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-iv w-r-FTi iv.-.vj.oj^ /EXT, INTRODUCTION, 


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IN" CAN!) 










p. 24, 1. 7, For substitution read substitutions. 

p. 32, 1. 8, col. 2, Insert u88 66 . 

p. 32, 1. 21, col. 3, Insert 5i v -62 v . 

p. 38, 1. 25, For Inspirante 60, 23, read Inspirante. . . .60, 23. 

p. 42, 1. 33, For 24 medullis read 21 medullis. 

p. 44, next to last line For congitando read cogitando. 

p. 50, 1. 31, For pententes read petentes 

p. 64, 1. 26, For 2 multa read i multa 

p. loo, 1. 28, For 7 Et erat read i Et erat. 

p. 102, 1. 27, For dicideret read dccideret. 

p. in, next to last line, For his read this. 

p. 134, last line, For Virg. read Verg. 

p. 142, 1. 31, For disinit read desinit. 

p. 142, L 33, For tracatus read tractatus. 

p. 152, 1. 14, For participal read participial. 

p. 158, 1. n, For consessive read concessive. 

p. 164, Omit note on dicebant quia. 














7 mo 

Accepted by the Department of Classics, 1918. 

Published 1919. 

Printed in the United States of America. 


I take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to Dean 
A. F. West for his constant help and guidance in the prepara- 
tion of this edition. It was begun at his suggestion and has 
been continually under his direction. I am further indebted to 
Professor J. H. Westcott for assistance on certain law terms, 
to Professor Duane Reed Stuart for his thorough criticisms, 
especially of the text, and also to Professor P. van den Ven 
and Dr. R. J. Deferrari for valuable suggestions in the recon- 
struction of the text. Owing to war conditions abroad it was 
impracticable to examine the MSS. of the Vita in the libraries 
where they are deposited. Accordingly ten of the older MSS. 
in the Bibliotheque Nationale and the Vatican were se- 
cured in photostatic copies, under the supervision of M. Henri 
Omont, Conservateur des Manuscrits, and of the late Director 
Jesse Benedict Carter and Professor Albert W. Van Buren 
of the American Academy in Rome. Thanks are also due to 
Mr. Gordon W. Thayer, Librarian of the J. G. White Collec- 
tion, Cleveland Public Library, for providing me with notices 
of certain MSS. of the Vita from catalogues otherwise un- 
available. The map was prepared by my friend Dr. W. E. 
Cockfield on the basis of the map in Volume VIII of the Cor- 
pus Inscriptionum Latinarum. 

H. T. W. 

Princeton, New Jersey, 
June n, 1918. 



1. Introduction 7 

Sources for the Life of Augustine 7 

Early Life 7 

Family 8 

Friends 10 

The Monastery 1 1 

Life of Possidius 12 

His Intimacy with Augustine 17 

Augustine's references to Possidius 18 

His peculiar Fitness for his Task 18 

His Reliability 19 

His appreciation of Augustine 20 

Date of Composition of the Vita 21 

Style 22 

Manuscripts 23 

Editions 32 

The Text 34 

2. Abbreviations in the apparatus criticus 37 

3. Latin Text and Translation 38 

4. Notes 147 

5. Select Bibliography 169 

6. Index to Latin Text 170 

7. Index to Notes 172 


Our knowledge of the life of Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 
is derived from two main sources : ( i ) Augustine's own Con- 
fessiones, covering the period up to the time of his conversion 

in 387 and setting forth chiefly the history of 
Sources for the his spiritual development, and (2) the Vita 
Life of Augustine Augustini of Possidius, covering the time from 

Augustine's conversion to his death in 430 and 
containing a record of his daily life and activities. Outside 
of these two main sources many references also occur in his 
other writings, chiefly in the Epistles. 

Aurelius Augustinus was born at Tagaste in Numidia on 
November 13, 354, 1 about seven years after Chrysostom and 
fourteen after Jerome and Ambrose. After spending a free 

and careless boyhood at Tagaste, he pursued 
Early Life the usual course of grammar and rhetoric at 

Madaura and Carthage and afterward taught 
for a short time in his native town. In 374 he returned to 
Carthage and taught rhetoric for nine years. During this 
period he became deeply interested in Manichaeanism, merely as 
an auditor, however, and not as one of the electi. It was here 
he met the famous Manichaean teacher Faustus from whom 
he expected much, but soon found that, despite his gorgeous 
rhetoric, he was unable to answer any searching questions. 
Dissatisfied with his life at Carthage and seeking a larger 
career, he went to Rome. Moreover he had heard that the 
students of Rome were better behaved than those at Carthage. 

1 Prosper, in his Chronicon, states that Augustine died August 28, 
430; Possidius says it was in the third month of the siege of Hippo, 
and also that he died at the age of seventy-six. Augustine himself 
gives the day of his birth: Idibus Novembris mihi natalis dies erat: 
De Beata Vita i 6. 


Among the latter were those known as eversores, who went 
about in groups, broke into classes, overthrew the benches and 
provoked disorder in general. So in spite of the tearful en- 
treaties of his mother Monica, he evaded her and by night 
secretly took ship for Italy. However, when he arrived in 
Rome he soon discovered that while his students kept better 
order, they had a custom which was to prove most annoying 
to him. For after they had attended his classes a while they 
would go off to another teacher and leave their fees unpaid. 
Accordingly when the way was opened for him to teach in 
Milan he went there without delay. 

By this time he had abandoned Manichaeanism and was 
taken for a short time with the scepticism of the New Acad- 
emy. In Milan he soon became engrossed in studying Neo- 
Platonism and also came under the influence of Ambrose, 
Bishop of that city. After a memorable moral and intellectual 
struggle he was converted to the Christian faith and baptized 
by Ambrose at Easter 387. He then returned to Tagaste, 
travelling with his mother who died on the way at Ostia. On 
arriving at Tagaste he lived in seclusion till he was made pres- 
byter in the church at Hippo in 391. At this point the narra- 
tive of Possidius begins. 

Augustine's father Patricius was a man of curial rank in 
rather humble circumstances. He was of a somewhat coarse 
and sensual temper, given to occasional fits of anger, but gen- 
erally easy-going. He was anxious that his 
Famtly son s hould distinguish himself as a lawyer and 

even borrowed money to enable him to study 
at Carthage. Aside from this, however, Patricius seems to 
have paid little heed to his welfare and training. He had not 
been a Christian up to the time of his son's departure for 
Carthage, but through the influence of his wife Monica be- 
came a catechumen about the year 370 and was baptized short- 
ly before his death in the following year. 

Monica, the mother of Augustine, is forever revered in 
Christian history. Augustine was not ignorant of her religion, 


for she had trained him in his childhood, 2 but it soon slipped 
from his memory when he went away to school. From this 
time to his conversion in 387, while he was trying one phil- 
osophy after another, Monica did not cease to hope and pray 
that her son would yet become a Christian, though she was at 
one time unwilling to have him with her in the house because 
of his outspoken contempt for the Christian faith. 3 He says 
that she wept more bitterly over his spiritual death than other 
mothers over the bodily death of their children. 4 When, in 
spite of her entreaties, he stole away and took ship for Italy, 
she would not leave him but followed all the way to Milan, 
where she constantly attended the sermons of the statesman- 
bishop Ambrose. With Augustine's conversion her mission on 
earth was ended 5 and she saw nothing of his later far-reaching 
influence, for she died at Ostia in the fall of that same year. 
Augustine's tribute to his mother 6 is one of the most perfect 
and touching in literature. 

Augustine was not the only child. He had a brother, Navi- 
gius 7 and one sister referred to in his letter to the nuns. 8 
Possidius also mentions her. 9 Though her name is not known, 
tradition gives it as Perpetua. 10 Whether Augustine had any 
other brothers or sisters is not certain. His natural son Ade- 
odatus, born about 372, gave promise of marked ability, but 
died in his youth. 11 He was baptized with his father in 387. 
The names of several other relatives outside the circle of his 
immediate family appear in his writings. In the De Beata 

2 Religionis verissimae semina mihi a pueritia salubriter insita: De 
Duabus Animabus i I. 

3 Conf. Ill xi 19. 

4 Conf. Ill xi 19. 

5 Conf. IX x 26. 
s Conf. IX ix-x. 

7 De Beata Vita i 6 and Conf. IX xi 27. 

8 Ep. CCXI 4. 

9 Vita XXVI. 

10 Bollandistes, Vies des Saints V 306. 

11 Conf. IX vi 14. 


Vita i 6 he speaks of two cousins, Lastidianus and Rusticus, 
who took part in the discussions at Cassiciacum and in Serm. 
CCCLVI 3 he mentions, without naming him, a nephew who 
was a subdiaconus. Ep. LII is written to another cousin, 
Severinus, urging him to leave the Donatists and return to the 
Catholic Church. Besides these Possidius writes of fratris 
sui filiae in Chapter XXVI a phrase which also seems to 
prove that Augustine had only one brother. 

In speaking of Augustine's friends we mean only the most 
intimate. They are to be found in two groups, the earlier at 
the Villa of Cassiciacum, near Milan, to which Augustine and 

his friends retired during the months imme- 
Friends diately preceding his baptism, and the later 

group at Hippo. Chief 'among these friends 
was his fellow-townsman and life-long companion Alypius, 
who accompanied him through the years of uncertainty at 
Carthage and Milan and faithfully reflected each of Augus- 
tine's changes of faith. After living with Augustine in the 
monastery at Hippo for several years, he became bishop of his 
native town Tagaste. The group at Cassiciacum was small 
and most intimate, consisting of Monica, who not infrequently 
took part in the debate, Adeodatus, Navigius, Alypius, the two 
cousins Lastidianus and Rusticus mentioned above, and two 
pupils, Trygetius and Licentius, 12 a son of his former patron 
Romanianus. 13 They spent the time studying and discussing 
questions of religion and philosophy. The other circle of 
friends which calls for special mention is found in the monas- 
tery at Hippo. Here Possidius and others 14 first appear in 
Augustine's life. Their intimate manner of life is described 

12 Contra Academicos I i 4; De Beata Vita i 6; De Ordine I ii 5. 

13 Nebridius, another close friend, does not seem to have been at 
Cassiciacum, though associated with Augustine both in Carthage and 
Milan. He died a Christian not long after Augustine's baptism (Conf. 
IX iii 6). 

14 Severus, Evodius, Profuturus and Urbanus. See also Chap. XI, 
note i. 


by Possidius 15 and even more satisfactorily in two of Augus- 
tine's sermons. 16 

This monastery which had its beginning at Tagaste and was 
later established at Hippo when Augustine became presbyter 
there, was the first one in North Africa and the parent of the 
other North African monasteries. Possidius 
states 17 that the bishops who went out from 
this monastery at Hippo followed their mas- 
ter's example and established other monaster- 
ies in their episcopal sees. Augustine's original purpose had 
been merely to withdraw from the world with a few friends 
and have time for undisturbed meditation and prayer. He 
pursued this kind of life for almost three years at Tagaste 
(388-391) until he was forcibly ordained presbyter at Hippo. 
After that he continued his purpose, but adapting it to cir- 
cumstances, made the monastery rather a school for the train- 
ing of the clergy. His conception of the kind of life the clergy 
should lead is clearly set forth in two of his sermons. 18 He 
also established a monastery for women over which his sister 
presided, and after her death in 423 wrote them a letter 19 to 
settle their differences and to guide them in the conduct of life. 

In reviewing the life of Possidius, 20 the first fact to be noted 
is that, apart from his relations with Augustine, he is practi- 
cally unknown. He first appears as one of the group of inti- 
mate friends whom Augustine gathered around him in the 
monastery at Hippo and is mentioned only once after Augus- 

15 Vita XXII-XXVI. 


" Vita XL 

is Sermm. CCCLV and CCCLVI. 

"Ep. CCXL 

20 His name, Possidius, is not to be confounded with Possidonius, a 
bishop who appears at some of the councils and who, in conjunction 
with Possidius, signed the letter addressed by the Council of Milevum 
to Pope Innocent I (Ep. CLXXVI). Manuscript evidence proves that 
Possidius, not Possidonius, is the name of Augustine's biographer. 


tine's death. 21 Possidius himself states at the 
Li , , very close of the Vita that he had lived with 

Possidius Augustine on terms of intimate friendship for 

"almost forty years." Augustine was made 
Presbyter at Hippo in 391 and "soon after" 22 established his 
monastery. As this was thirty-nine years before Augustine's 
death, Possidius must have become connected with the monas- 
tery at the very beginning or soon after. Where he came 
from and how he came to enter the monastery must remain 
matters of conjecture, but it seems fair to suppose that he 
came from Hippo or the immediate neighborhood. 

The date of Possidius's birth, also, may be arrived at only 
approximately. As he was still living and performing his 
episcopal duties seven years after the death of Augustine, 23 
who lived to be seventy-six, 24 he was in all likelihood younger 
than his teacher and friend. When he entered the monastery, 
therefore, he was probably not over thirty, as Augustine was 
then thirty-five. Moreover he was probably at least twenty, in 
view of the fact that he soon became Augustine's intimate 
friend. This would accordingly fix the date of his birth 
somewhere between the years 360 and 370. 

In 397, probably within a short time after the death of 
Megalius, Bishop of Calama and Primate of Numidia, Pos- 
sidius succeeded to this episcopate, though not to the primacy, 
as that was an office of seniority, not of locality, in the Afri- 
can Church. From this time till his activities were tempor- 
arily checked by the invasion of the Vandals, he seems to 
have led a not unusual life for a North African bishop of the 
fifth century, journeying to the various parts of his diocese, 
attending councils and defending the Church against the at- 
tacks of heretics. 

About the year 403 Possidius made two attempts to arrange 

21 Prosper, Chronicon, PL 51, 597 (PL = Patrologia Latina). 

22 Vita V. 

23 Prosper, Chronicon, PL 51, 597. 
2* Vita XXXI. 


a public discussion with Crispinus, the Donatist bishop of Ca- 
lama, which the latter each time avoided. A few days after 
the second refusal, while Possidius was travelling through his 
diocese, another Crispinus, a Donatist presbyter and perhaps 
a relative of the bishop Crispinus, attacked him, setting fire to 
the house in which he took refuge. As the bishop Crispinus 
did not even reprove his presbyter for this unprovoked attack, 
the Catholics took the matter into court and Crispinus, the 
bishop, was fined. Through the intervention of Possidius 
this fine was not exacted. Nevertheless Crispinus was not sat- 
isfied and carried his appeal to the Emperor Honorius. There- 
upon, as Augustine had likewise narrowly escaped an ambus- 
cade laid for him by the Donatists not long before, a council 
which met at Carthage in 404 decided to appeal to the Emper- 
or for protection. 25 In 405, accordingly, Honorius issued an 
edict 26 renewing the laws of Theodosius against heretics, di- 
recting furthermore that Crispinus should be fined ten pounds 
of gold and that the judge and court should suffer the same 
penalty for not having collected the fine before. This fine, 
however, through the intercession of Possidius, was likewise 
remitted. 27 

In 407 Possidius and Augustine, with five other bishops, 
were appointed as a committee to decide some ecclesiastical 
question, but no further record has been preserved. 28 In the 
following year, during a riot brought about by the celebrations 
of the pagans, Possidius narrowly escaped with his life. On 
November 15, 407, Honorius had made the public celebration 
of heathen rites and festivals illegal. 29 On June i, 408, how- 
ever, which was the pagan feast-day, as Augustine relates, 30 
in violation of this law the pagans of Calama performed their 
rites and marched past the Christian church. As no one inter- 

25 Mansi III 794. 

26 Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 38. 

27 Vita XII; Contra Cresconium III xlvi 50; Ep. CV 4. 

28 Mansi III 806. 

- 29 Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 41. 
3 Ep. XCI8. 


fered and as the insult could not be tolerated, the clergy at- 
tempted to stop the celebration, but were driven back into the 
church and assailed with stones. Possidius did not allow this 
to pass unnoticed and carried the case before the proper 
authorities who promised to exact the penalty imposed by the 
law. About June 9, however, before anything had been done, 
the pagans again attacked the church with stones. On the 
following day, accordingly, Possidius and his people took the 
matter to court but were refused admittance. A few hours 
later the church was a third time besieged, and not being sat- 
isfied with the damage they could do with stones, the pagans 
tried to burn the buildings together with the people in them. 
One man was killed and Possidius escaped only by hiding in 
a narrow crevice while the pagans roamed about in search of 
him. According to Augustine they were much disappointed, 
since their chief desire was to do away with the bishop. The 
uproar was finally quieted by a stranger who seemed to have 
gained some influence with them. Through his efforts the 
captives were set free and much plunder returned. Augustine 
himself journeyed to Calama to comfort the people and to 
admonish and, if possible, convert the pagans, but evidently 
without much success. An edict 81 issued by Honorius in No- 
vember of the same year, directing that the images and altars 
of the pagans be destroyed and their temples be confiscated for 
public use, was no doubt provoked by this disturbance. 

To this period belong Possidius's two journeys to Italy. 
Though only one is generally mentioned, there were evidently 
two. The first was occasioned by the recent pagan uprising 32 
and took place after July 408 and before March 27, 409. 
This date is made clear by a letter of Augustine in which he 
says that on March 27 he received an answer to a letter he 
had written about eight months before, when Possidius had 

Cod. Theod. XVI 10, 19. 

32 Compare the words of Augustine : cum ex ipso audieritis quam 
triftis eum causa compulerit: Ep. XCV I. 


not yet embarked on his voyage. 33 From this letter it would 
also appear that Possidius was expected to return shortly, for 
Augustine suggests that possibly the citizens of Calama had 
heard a rumor that Possidius had obtained authority to punish 
them more severely (severius) , 34 though no such report had 
as yet reached him. 

The other visit to the imperial court was on an embassy ap- 
pointed by a council which met at Carthage on July i, 4io. 35 
The purpose of this embassy was to secure the renewal of the 
laws against the Donatists which had been temporarily sus- 
pended. 36 Possidius and his colleagues seem to have accomp- 
lished their purpose, for in August 410 Honorius issued a de- 
cree 37 warning heretics and pagans not to hold public meetings 
and declaring confiscation of property or even death as the 
penalty for violation of the law. 

At the great Collatio of 41 1 between the Catholics and Do- 
natists assembled at Carthage by order of the Emperor, Pos- 
sidius played a rather prominent part. Two hundred and 
eighty-six Catholic bishops were present. From this number 
seven were chosen to carry on the discussion, among whom 
were Augustine, Possidius and Alypius, 38 although the debate 
was carried on almost entirely by Augustine. Possidius ap- 

33 Nam ego rescripseram, cum adhuc nobiscum esset, neque navigas- 
set sanctus frater et coepiscopus meus Possidius. Has autem quas mei 
causa illl dignatus es reddere, accepi in kal. April, post menses ferme 
octo, quam scripseram: Ep. CIV I. 

34 More severely, no doubt, than they had already been punished by 
the edict of Honorius in the preceding November. 

35 Mansi III 810. There seems to be some confusion as to this date. 
In the Acts of the Councils it is given as Honorii VIII et Theodosii 
IV. However, to agree with the Fasti Consular es (ed. W. Liebenam, 
pp. 41-42) it ought to read Honorii VIII et Theodosii III, and this 
could apply to either 409 or 410. Accordingly 410 has been adopted as 
being the more probable. This date is also given in the margin of 
Mansi's edition, though 409 is given in the index. 

se Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 47. 

37 Cod. Theod. XVI 5, 51, 

38 Mansi IV 8. 


pears at two other councils. At that of Milevum in 4i6 39 he 
joined with other bishops in signing a letter, 40 written prob- 
ably by Augustine, to Innocent I, calling attention to the new- 
born Pelagian heresy and requesting that it be suppressed. 
Shortly afterwards, together with his old friends of the mon- 
astery at Hippo, Augustine, Alypius, Evodius and one out- 
sider, Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, he signed another letter 41 
to Innocent, urging that this same heresy be formally de- 
nounced. The other council, though it is scarcely to be dig- 
nified by so important a name, was that held at Caesarea in 
418, to which the Donatist bishop Emeritus was invited. 42 

When the Vandals invaded Africa in 428, Calama was one 
of the many towns which fell into their hands. Possidius took 
refuge with Augustine at Hippo, one of the three cities which 
still maintained their independence. There he witnessed the 
death of Augustine in 430 and remained till the siege of Hippo 
was abandoned by the Vandals in 431. 48 By or before the 
time an agreement was reached in 435 between the Roman 
Emperor and the Arian Geiseric, Possidius no doubt returned 
to his former charge, where he probably remained unmolested 
as long as he performed his duties quietly and did not attract 
the attention of the Arian authorities. In 437, however, when 
Geiseric endeavored to substitute Arianism for the Catholic 
faith, Possidius and several other bishops were driven from 
their sees because they refused to yield to the demands of the 
Vandal ruler. 44 This is the last we hear of Possidius. He 
may have gone to Italy, but there is no evidence to that effect. 
He is honored by the Catholic Church on May 17. 

Were it not for Possidius's own statement in the last para- 
graph of the Vita, we should probably not recognize so readily 

39 Mansi IV 335. 
*Ep. CLXXVn. 

42 De Gestis cum Emerito PL 43, 697 ; Vita XIV. 

43 Vita XXVIII. 

44 Prosper, Chronic on, PL 51, 597. 


the intimacy which existed between the two bishops. Among 
Augustine's letters there is only one 45 ad- 
dressed to Possidius and that is merely an His j ntimacy 
answer to a question on discipline, such as with Augustine 
might have been written to any stranger who 
had asked for advice. It was written in great haste and there 
is nothing in it to indicate any particular friendship. How- 
ever, he spent much time in company with Augustine. For the 
first five or six years of their acquaintance he lived in that 
intimacy of daily companionship which makes or breaks a 
friendship as nothing else can, dwelling in the same house, 
eating at the same table, sharing in the same duties and ex- 
periencing the same trials and temptations. On one occasion 
he tells of a conversation at the table, then of a convert who 
came to see Augustine and, nobis coram, declared his former 
guilt and asked for their prayers. Again, we hear of Augus- 
tine's righteous indignation when some friends who were visit- 
ing disregarded his prohibition of gossip. 46 There are many 
instances of this intimate nature. 

After Possidius left the monastery at Hippo to take up his 
duties as bishop of Calama he was by no means separated 
from his friend. Calama was only about forty miles distant 
from Hippo and the two bishops found many opportunities of 
seeing each other. Now they are attending the same council, 
or are together on a special committee, or are side by side in a 
debate with the heretics, or Possidius is visiting Augustine. 
Finally, when Calama was taken by the Vandals, Possidius 
withdrew to Hippo and was with Augustine all through his 
last illness and at the time of his death. None of the other 
members of that monastery, save Alypius only, is associated 
with Augustine as frequently as is Possidius. 

Besides the above-mentioned letter addressed to Possidius 
and those cited in this account of Possidius's life, there are 
several other references to him in Augustine's writings, Prob- 

45 Ep. CCXLV. The date of this letter is uncertain. 
4 Vita XV, XXII. 


ably the most significant of these is found in 
References to &P- CI, addressed to a certain Bishop Memor, 
Possidius in which Augustine discloses his affection for 

Possidius by calling him "no small image of 
my own self" : Nimis autem ingratum ac ferreum fuit, ut te 
qui nos sic amas, hie sanctus f rater et collega noster Possidius, 
in quo nostram non parvam praescntiam reperies, vei non dis- 
ceret, vel sine litteris nostris disceret. Est enim per nostrum 
ministerium non litteris illis, quas variarum serui libidinum 
liberates vacant, sed dominico pane nutritiis, quantus ei potuit 
per nostras angustias dispensari. This is Augustine's fullest 
reference to Possidius and as it agrees so well with Possidius's 
own statements it serves to confirm our faith in him. An- 
other letter written about this same time, while not so perti- 
nent, still deserves notice. It begins in this manner : Cum vos 
fratres nostri coniunctissimi nobis, quos nobiscum desiderati 
desiderare et salutati resalutare consuestis, assidue vident, non 
tarn augentur bona nostra, quam consolantur mala.*" 1 Though 
Augustine may here be speaking in general terms, yet he 
means Possidius in particular, for he at once proceeds to name 
him as the person he has in mind. The other references to 
Possidius are of less importance and need only to be indicated. 
He concludes Ep. CXXXVII to Volusianus with a greeting 
from Possidius who is evidently visiting him, and in the De 
Civitate Dei XXII viii he speaks of a cure supposed to have 
been effected by a relic which the bishop of Calama had 
brought to that city. 

Because of this prolonged and intimate friendship, Possidius 
was peculiarly fitted for the task he undertook. He had ob- 
served Augustine's daily life continuously for at least five years. 
He had seen him in the various phases of his work as teacher 

and administrator: instructing the people or 
His peculiar the clergy or managing the funds of the 

Fitness for , . f A . , . . . 

his Task church, or caring for the poor and the widows 

or judging the disputes of his parishioners. 
Ep. XCV. 


He had seen him faithful in his secular responsibilities, yet 
escaping them whenever possible and eagerly turning his at- 
tention to spiritual matters. He knew his habits of dress and 
food and had shared in his strict monastic asceticism. Later, 
himself a bishop, Possidius had seen Augustine as a leader 
among his fellow-bishops at the councils and as the Church's 
ablest defender against heresies. He was constantly in touch 
with his great master and friend and at no time throughout the 
thirty-eight or thirty-nine years of their acquaintance did 
anything occur to weaken their attachment. With the ex- 
ception of the first four chapters of the Vita, which deal briefly 
with the period before their acquaintance, the account he gives 
is based entirely on his own observation things he had him- 
self witnessed and experienced. 

As a result we have a plain biography of fact, not of fiction. 
Possidius does not recount mere gossip or hearsay. Nowhere 
throughout the Vita do phrases occur indicating second-hand 
information. One thing that must immedi- 
ately commend it as worthy of belief is the His 
absence of such miraculous tales as abound in Reliability 
Paulinus's Vita Ambrosii. Even Augustine 
was not free from this credulity, as may be seen in the list of 
remarkable cures related toward the end of the De Civitate 
Dei. Possidius, however, was not given to recounting mar- 
velous stories. Apart from ,a somewhat general reference to 
"certain energumens" from whom "demons departed by reason 
of Augustine's intercession in prayer," he relates, without af- 
fectation or extravagance, only one specific miracle performed 
by Augustine the cure of a sick man by the laying on of 
hands. Moreover, wherever Possidius's statements can be 
checked by the writings of Augustine or the Acts of Councils, 
they are always fully corroborated. 48 To this there is no ex- 
ception. 49 Yet in one respect he is careless: he does not al- 

48 Instances will be found in the Notes. 

49 In view of these facts it is a surprise to come upon such a state- 
ment as the following : "No Vandal writer ever arose to give a second 


ways mention the sources of his few non-biblical quotations, 
but is apt to refer to the writers as cuiusdam sapientis or 
quidam poeta. 

Though he only partly realized Augustine's true greatness 
and his increasing importance to the Church, he did recognize 
in him a devout Christian, a profound and eager student, a de- 
voted and watchful shepherd, a mighty oppo- 
His Appreciation nent * nere tics an( i a daily example in his 
of Augustine domestic life. He sees the present and lo- 
cal greatness, but has less conception of the 
lasting and widening influence which a mind and personality 
like Augustine's were destined to exert for ages to come. He 
sees that Augustine's arguments and reasoning have established 
the faith and brought peace to the Church, but that centuries 
later theologians and philosophers should still base many of 
their doctrines upon the writings of his friend is far outside 
the range of his imagination ; for his nature, like his style, was 
essentially prosaic. Yet he did believe that posterity ought not 
to forget Augustine, and therefore wrote the Vita and com- 
piled the Indiculus, a catalogue of Augustine's works, to 
help those who would keep his memory alive. 

The Vita, though not a regular chronological narrative, falls 
naturally into four parts: 

I-V Introductory 

VI-XVIII Activities against heresies 

XIX-XXVII Daily life at home and in the church 

XXVIII-XXXI Last days and death. 

In this arrangement the Vita closely resembles the literary 
form which had become traditional in the Alexandrian biog- 

account of the war, and there is much in the statements of Victor and 
Possidius to show the need of caution in accepting their facts as lit- 
erally true" (L. R. Holme, The Extinction of Christian Churches in 
North Africa, p. 88). This writer presents no evidence whatsoever to 
sustain his disparagement of Possidius, though he does so in the case 
of Victor Vitensis, whose unrestrained statements must, of course, be 
accepted with reserve. 
50 See Chapter XVIII, note 6. 


raphy and which is best illustrated in the Lives of Suetonius. 51 
Possidius's acquaintance with this literary form evidently came 
not directly from classical sources but through his knowledge 
of the Lives of former Christian biographers. 52 Chief among 
these was undoubtedly Jerome, who acknowledges his indebt- 
edness to Suetonius. 53 This form of biography lays principal 
stress on personal traits. Hence while Augustine's own writ- 
ings are indispensable in forming an estimate of his far-reach- 
ing powers as a theologian, philosopher and preacher, were it 
not for the intimate revelations of every-day life presented by 
Possidius, our picture of his personality would be incomplete. 
The date generally given for the composition of the Vita is 
432. From Possidius's words it is clear that it must have 
been written after July 431, when the siege of Hippo was 
abandoned by the Vandals, for he says he was in Hippo dur- 
ing the whole time of the siege. 54 Further- 
more, his use of quondam in the same chapter ^ ate f 

, r j-> / \ Composition 

(quondam Bomfacius) seems to presuppose O f t ^ e y ita 
the death of Boniface, which occurred about 
432. The terminus ad quern is the destruction of Carthage in 
439, for Possidius states that when he wrote Carthage still 
remained uncaptured. 55 While the probabilities favor 432 or 
soon after as the date of the composition of the Vita, the evi- 
dence for this is not complete and the nearest certain ap- 
proximation attainable is 432-439. No evidence derived from 
the date of the burning of Hippo, which is unknown, or from 
the presumed escape of the church library from the conflagra- 
tion can be deduced to help in fixing the date of the Vita more 
closely. The Indiculus must, of course, have been made up 
from the books in the library at Hippo and might very prob- 

51 Leo, F., Die Griechische-Rb'mische Biographic, pp. 11-16. 

52 See his Praefatio, p. 38. 

53 Roth, C. L., Suetonius, p. 287. 

54 quam urbem ferme quatuoirdecim mensibus conclusam obsederunt 
. . . in eademque omni eius obsidionis temp ore fuimus: Vita XXVIII. 

5 5 Vita XXVIII. 


ably have been compiled during the siege in 431 and later af- 
fixed to the Vita. 

The Vita, as already suggested, is a plain recital of facts 
and incidents which give a clear insight into Augustine's daily 
life in public and private, based on the writer's personal and 
intimate knowledge. That Possidius was a man of moder- 
ate education appears readily. His style is 
s *y le wholly unadorned. It is the work of a plain 

man and untrained writer. This appears im- 
mediately in the striking contrast between the style of Pos- 
sidius and that of the letter of Augustine, wonderful both in 
thought and style, which he embodies in Chapter XXX. The 
letter reads so smoothly and the argument is so clearly ex- 
pressed that the scribes found little trouble in understanding 
it. This contrast with the diction of Possidius is further 
brought out by the very noticeable decrease in the variations 
and difficulties which this letter presents in all the MSS. The 
style of Possidius also differs radically from that of Augustine 
in that it lacks vivacity, versatility and copiousness. The form 
is somewhat stiff and the expression, while always marked by 
candor and often by naive beauty, frequently lacks fluency. 
The sentences are frequently abrupt and loosely connected. 
They are bald, unrhetorical and often wanting in animation. 
While his style in some degree resembles that of Suetonius 
this is evidently due to the example of Christian biography 
and not to the direct influence of Suetonius, as there appears 
to be no evidence that Possidius had any acquaintance with his 
writings. Possidius is both naive and commonplace in his 
manner. His sentences show neither balance nor finish and 
are sometimes marred by awkward parenthetical statements or 
curious doubling of expression. Except in the Preface, no 
serious attempt at literary finish is made. There is no philos- 
ophizing or play of the imagination ; neither is there any pad- 
ding or moralizing. Though the sentences are not long and 
involved, yet they are frequently awkward and the thought is 
not always clearly expressed. It is a simple matter-of-fact ac- 


count without embellishment, and is not weighed down with a 
mass of fable and fiction. Possidius shows self-restraint and 
modesty, with a touching sincerity and devotion to his leader. 
The work abounds in biblical references and quotations which 
are apt and reveal a considerable acquaintance with the Scrip- 
tures. 56 Outside the Scriptures he quotes only three books, 
the Vita Ambrosii of Paulinus, the De Mortalitate of Cyprian 
and the Confessiones of Augustine a very limited circle and 
two or three unidentified commonplaces. With the Confes- 
siones he was quite familiar. He quotes no secular writer. 
His one aim was to reveal Augustine as man and bishop in his 
daily life, work and character. Of this he has given a faith- 
ful, if incomplete picture, one of absorbing interest and at 
times of unaffected beauty. 

His Latinity is that of his own time, as used by a man of 
only fair ability and education. His vocabulary, arrangement 
and style are thus restricted by his own limitations. It is un- 
rhetorical narrative Latin of the fifth century. Characteristics 
of still later Latin also begin to appear. 

The text of this edition of the Vita is based on a collation 

of ten of the earlier MSS., five from France and five from 

Italy, in photostatic copy. Of these, four of the latter and at 

least one of the former have been examined 

Manuscripts for previous editions. A description of each 

of these ten MSS. follows : 57 

A Bibliotheque de Chartres 112. Membraneus. I25ff. 220 x 
170 millim., saec. IX-X. i. S. Augustini Vita scripta a 
Possidio episcopo. 58 

56 Some of these are direct quotations from the Vulgate ; others are 
taken from some pre- Vulgate versions. Many of them are apparently 
loose quotations from memory. 

57 With the exception of A, the descriptions of the MSS. are taken 
from the Bollandist Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Latino-rum 
for the Vatican and for the Bibliotheque Nationale. 

58 We have no means of determining what exact title, if any, was 
given by Possidius to his Life of Augustine. The titles, as given in 
the ten MSS. consulted, vary greatly. The one most common element 


As one of the earliest copies giving the complete text 
with fewer and less serious errors than any other, it is 
clearly the best of the ten MSS. It is carefully written 
in an excellent hand and presents only occasional er- 
rors. The observable errors in A are confined to 35 
instances of haplography, its characteristic fault, 25 er- 
roneous substitution of single letters, perhaps 5 impos- 
sible readings, and some easily detected and insignifi- 
cant other slips here and there. They are all noted in 
the apparatus criticus. 59 This MS. seems to be quoted 
once, but inaccurately, by the Benedictine editors under 

in them is the initial Sancti Augustini Vila, followed by some sort of 
reference to Possidius as the author, who is characterized as bishop 
in every instance but one where his name appears. I have taken as a 
provisional title Sancti Augustini Vita scripta a Possidio Episcopo, the 
heading given in A. 

In all the MSS. consulted the body of the text is continuous, even in 
the fragmentary MSS., without any division into chapters, and con- 
sequently without any chapter titles. In a few cases there are con- 
secutive Roman numerals entered at the side of the text at irregular 
intervals, but not continuing beyond the earlier part of the text. It 
is of course possible that these may have been intended by one or 
another scribe to indicate chapter divisions, but as they do not agree 
with each other nor extend through the body of the text nor cor- 
respond to the natural literary divisions, they may be disregarded as 

69 Some examples of these faults are altusque for alitusque Chap- 
ter I, tnanente for manentes and the omission of ac perficere IX, cir- 
celliones for circumcelliones X, episcopum for episcopi cum XIII, the 
omission of loquacitate . . . collatione XVII, the omission of impium 
. . , ministerium and quando . . . necessarium XXX 7; cogitandi atque 
orandi for cogitanti atque oranti III, multum . . . aurarium for mule- 
tain . . . aurariam and commendatio for condemnatio XII, bibebant 
for vivebant XV, sectae for rectae XVIII, reticebantur for recitaban- 
tur XXIV, lucis for locis, evolatos for evolutos, fama contubescerent 
for fame contabescerent and regionum for regiorum XXVIII, absit for 
obsit XXX 10; intellexit for intercessit XII, heresi se for recessisse 
XVII, memorare for memor erat XXIII, orantibus for videntibus 
XXVII, ad locum uncti for ad loca munita XXX 2. 


the name Carnotensis, yet it nowhere appears in the 
list of MSS. which they have consulted. 60 

B Vatican, Codex Reginae Sueciae 1025. Membraneus, foli- 
orum 211 (o m ,273 x 0,222), paginis bipartitis exaratus 
saec. XL 8. (Fol. I37 v -i56 v ) Vita S. Augustini ep. con- 
scripta a Possidio ep. = BHL. 785, 786. 
This MS. is complete and in general agrees with A, 
though it contains numerous errors and occasional read- 
ings taken from the second or variant group of MSS. 
Omissions and corrections are frequent. It is one of 
the MSS. used by Salinas. 

C Vatican, Codex Reginae Sueciae 541. Membraneus, foli- 


orum 179, signata olim I I (o m ,378 x 0,274), pa- 


ginis, bipartitis exaratus variis manibus saec. XII. 63. 
(Fol. 158-166) Vita S. Augustini ep. = BHL. 785. 
The main representative of the second or variant group. 
It is neatly written and errors are rather less numerous 
than in B. However it substitutes not a few readings 
of its own which are not found in the other MSS. The 
text is complete. Also used by Salinas. 

D Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 2076. Olim 
coenobii Dervensis, deinde Petri Pithoei, deinde Thua- 
neus, deinde Colbertinus 1237, postea Regius .C. 3775.3.3. 
Foliorum 144, med. (o m ,285 x 0,23), columnis binis 
exaratus saec. X. 3. (Fol. 106^-130) Vita beati Augus- 
tini a beatissimo Possidio edita Calamensi episcopo. 
In close agreement with C. There are many correc- 
tions, usually to the readings peculiar to C. It is com- 

E Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 13220. Olim 
Francisci de Harlay archiepiscopi Rotomagensis, deinde 
coenobii sancti Martialis Lemovicensis, postea San- 
Germ., Harlay 369. Foliorum 211, min. (fere o m ,i75 x 
0,44), lineis plenis, exaratus diversis manibus saec. X. 
60 Salinas p. 65, Migne 32, 49 note 2. 


9. (Fol. 96^134*) Vita Sancti Augustini episcopi Hip- 
ponensis, a beato Possidio edita Calamensi episcopo. 
Very carefully written. The few errors are generally 
corrected. It contains many interlinear explanatory 
words entered in a later hand above the corresponding 
word in the text. The conclusion of the Vita is miss- 
ing. Though this MS. was once at St. Germain, it can- 
not be the MS. quoted by the Benedictine editors as 
Germanensis, for the readings do not agree. 

F Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 11748. Olim 
sancti Mauri Fossatensis 38, deinde San-Germ., prius 
1060, recentius 487. Foliorum 155, med. (o m ,36 x 0,27), 
columnis binis, exaratus saec. X. 9. (Fol. 20 V -35 V ) Vita 
beati Augttstini. 

Very inaccurate in case endings. The text is complete. 
It is quoted in the Benedictine edition under the name 
Fossatensis and is called vetitstissimus. 01 

G Bibliotheque Nationale, Codex signatus num. 10863. Olim 
coenobii "Luxovinensis" (fol. i), deinde Suppl. lat. 
1445. Foliorum 99, min. (o m ,2i x 0,14), lineis plenis, 
exaratus saec. IX. I. (Fol. 24-52) Vita sancti Augus- 
tini auctore Possidio. 

Likewise inaccurate in case endings. The first nine and 
a half chapters are missing and a portion of Augustine's 
letter is omitted. 62 

H Vatican, Codex 1190 (olim2i7i). Membraneus, foliorum 
A et sign. 1-179, 181-264 (o m ,38o x 0,282), paginis bi- 
partitis exaratus variis manibus saec. XII. 36. (Fol. 
88 T -97) Ada S. Augustini ep. BHL. 785. 
Fragmentary. Used by Salinas. 

/ Vatican, Codex 1191. Membraneus, foliorum 205 (o m ,430 
x 0,308), paginis bipartitis exaratus saec. XII extr. 

61 Migne 32, 55 note 6. 

62 The MSS. EFG on the whole agree rather with CD than with AB, 
though somewhat unsteadily. 


70. (Fol. I98-203 V ) Vita S. Augustini ep. edlta a Pos- 

sidio ep. = BHL. 785. 

Still more fragmentary. Used by Salinas. 
K Bibliotheca Vallicellana, Tomus I. Membraneus, foliorum 

A et sign. 1-336 (o m ,565 x 0,360), paginis bipartitis ex- 

aratus saec. XI/XII. 92. (Fol. 250-2547) Natale S. 

Augustini ep. = BHL. 785. 

Closely related to H. Fragmentary. It also breaks off 

abruptly in Chapter XXIV. 
LMNOP Five MSS. used by the Benedictine editors: duo 

Floriacenses, Germanensis, Vedastinus, Cisterciensis. 
Q Brussels, Bollandist Museum, P.MS 5. 

Belongs to the AB group, being related very closely to B. 
The order of the MSS. E-K represents no particular classi- 
fication, except that G-K are more or less fragmentary. The 
readings from the MSS. L-Q, as given in the Benedictine edi- 
tion and the Acta Sanctorum, are indicated in the apparatus 
criticus, though the former are very few and generally unim- 
portant. However, when the Benedictine editors quote their 
MSS. as codex unus or codex alter, as they usually do, thereby 
making it impossible to identify the MS. from which the vari- 
ant is taken, the reading has been omitted. The variants given 
from Q are important. 

In addition to the manuscripts enumerated and described 
above, readings in crucial places from seventeen manu- 
scripts in the Bibliotheque Nationale were obtained through 
the courtesy of M. Omont, Conservateur des Manuscrits. 
The readings thus obtained closely confirm the consensus 
of the other manuscripts used as against the readings 
introduced by previous editors. They do not, however, aid 
in determining more clearly the relative value of the body of 
manuscripts used as the basis for this edition. These seven- 
teen manuscripts are marked in the general list of manu- 
scripts on page 30 by the letters abcdefghijklmnopqr. 
In determining the relative value of the various MSS. one 
fact must be kept in mind, namely that the texts of the lives 


of saints did not receive the same consideration as those of 
classical writers. Lives of saints were very common and were 
freely multiplied. Scribes were less careful with them than 
with either the Scriptures or classical writings for which a 
greater amount of regard was felt; for the former be- 
cause of their inspired nature and for the latter because of 
their rarity and antiquity. Hence there was less restraint in 
copying the texts of these Lives. Accordingly there are more 
individual differences in such MSS., and the family groups 
are not as clearly defined. Moreover since the MSS. of any 
one Life are so much more numerous than for most classical 
texts in the present case probably two hundred or more 
definite relationship is clearly more difficult to establish on the 
basis of only a part of the extant MSS. of a given Life. 

Thus in the case of the ten MSS. of the Vita Augustini ex- 
amined for this edition, each MS. is in some degree independent 
of the others. Under such conditions, therefore, the choice of 
the best MS. or group of MSS., may be made by a process of 
elimination. In a comparison of the ten MSS. with a view to 
this choice GHJK may be omitted as they are quite fragmen- 
tary. Of the other six MSS. the crucial readings of A and B 
frequently agree in opposition to all the others, thus showing 
a certain relationship between these two. For instance in the 
Praefatio AB read videar fraudare, whereas CDFHK read 
fraudare iridear; AB autem, CDEFHK enim. In Chapter I A 
and B both read carthaginensi which is, of course, an error for 
tagastensi. In this same chapter AB read assistens as against 
astans in CDEFHJK. Other instances of this agreement 
between A and B may easily be found in the apparatus criticus. 

C, on the other hand, contains many readings found in none 
of the other nine MSS., except only in the corrections made 
in D by a second hand. Thus in Chapter VIII for the reading 
sed consacerdos found in the other MSS. CD* have quam 
consacerdos; in Chapter IX for Quae cum audissfnt . . . 
comperta, CD* have quae vir beatus comperta; at the end of 
Chapter XV while the other MSS. vary between vivat, vivit 


and vitat, CD* alone agree on victitat; in Chapter XIX CD* 
read quanta magis instead of nedum or necdum found in the 
other MSS. However C also contains variant readings which 
are found in other MSS. and which seem to indicate that C 
belongs to a different family than AB. MSS. E and F agree 
sometimes with AB and sometimes with C. As their read- 
ings are found in AB or C they may be disregarded as not 
outstanding representatives of either group. The final choice, 
therefore, as to the best available source for the original text 
among these ten MSS. lies between AB and C. A is more free 
from errors than any of the other nine MSS. and is also one 
of the earliest. Moreover since C contains many readings not 
found in the other MSS. it cannot be regarded as a pure text, 
for if it were, it is highly improbable that none of the other 
nine MSS., except only D*, should contain any trace what- 
soever of these readings, many of which differ radically from 
the readings in the other MSS. 63 The reading of CD* in 
Chapter XIX cited above is probably an alteration to the Vul- 
gate reading. Such alterations are not infrequent in C and 
are a further illustration of the liberties which the writer of 
C took with the text. For these reasons the MSS. AB, of 
which A is the better representative, 64 seem to furnish a text 
which resembles the archetype more closely than any of the 
other MSS. CDEFGHJK. Accordingly A has been adopted 
as the main basis of the text and followed rather closely. 
Its variant readings are fully noted in the apparatus criticus. 
A partial list of MSS. of the Vita, as complete as could be 
made from available sources, is herewith given. 

63 These variants in C are so numerous that they could not all be 
included in the apparatus criticus. They are therefore given only 
when they have some direct bearing on readings in other MSS. 

64 The choice of A in preference to B as the purer representative of 
the AB family follows naturally after a comparison of the two MSS. 
Evidence, if necessary, may be found in the apparatus criticus. 


List of Manuscripts 


168*- 176* XII 

177*-185 XIII 

333-345 XV 

226-255* (256-265'' Ind) 65X1 


163M66 (fr) 

98M01 (fr) 
90-97* (fr) 


Austria-Hungary NUMBER 

Heiligenkreuz: Monastery. 13 

Lilienfeld: Monastery. 60 

Melk: Monastery. M6 

Vienna: Hofbibl. 474 

Vienna: Hofbibl. 1052 


Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 64 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 1734 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 2342-51 (1) 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 7482 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 7487-91 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 8675-89 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 9636-37 

Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 11550-55 
Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 
Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 
Brussels: Bibl. Reg. 
Mons: Bibl. Pub. 

Namur: Bibl. Pub. 2 


Angers: Bibl. d'Angers 802 (718) 

Angers: Bibl. d'Angers 806 (722) 

Auxerre: Bibl. d'Auxerre 28 (28) 

Cambrai: Bibl. de Cambrai 864 (767 II) 

Cambrai: Bibl. de Cambrai 855 (760) 

Chalons-sur-Marne Bibl. de 70 (78) 114-133 


A Chartres: Bibl. de Chartres 112 (60) 1-42* (42*-61 Ind) 

Chartres: Bibl. de Chartres 500 (190) 162-167* (fr) 

Chartres: Bibl. de Chartres 501 (192) 141M52 (fr) 

D.Phil. 324, 327(1)45-64 (Ind) 
D. Phil. 4627 43*-66* 

D. Phil. 8391 
26, 210, 8402 

79-93* (93*-94 Ind) 

50-68 (68*-73* Ind) 




















<Dijon: Bibl. de Dijon 

638-642 (383) Tom31-37 (fr) 

188-202 (202*-203* Ind) XI 
101M07*, 113-125 (fr) XIII 



Douai: Bibl. de Douai 151 Tom II 

Douai: Bibl. de Douai 837 

Douai: Bibl. de Douai 867 

'Grenoble: Bibl. de Grenoble 1174 
Le Mans: Bibl. du Mans 227 
Paris: Bibl. de St. Genevieve694 
Paris: Bibl. de St. Genevieve2613 
Paris: Bibl. de Mazarine 1714 (570) 
D Paris: Bibl. Nat. 2076 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 3809 A 

a Paris: Bibl. Nat. 3820 

b Paris: Bibl. Nat. 5270 

c Paris: Bibl. Nat. 5276 

d Paris: Bibl. Nat. 5278 

e Paris: Bibl. Nat. 5293 

98-99* (fr) XIII 

113M16* (fr) XII 

52^-72 (72-73 Ind) XII 
92M09 (109*-113* Ind) XII 

129-138 (138-140 Ind) XI-XII 

1-8 (fr) XVII 

75 (fr) XVni 

3*-16 XIII 

106M30 (130-137* Ind) X 

53-54 (fr) XV 

96-102* (fr) XIV 

45*-62 XIII 
120-136T (136M37* Ind)XIV 

177-187* (om. ep.) XIII 

6-21 (21-24 Ind) XII 

65 Ind = Indiculus, fr = fragmentary. 


/ Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
g Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
h Paris: Babl. Nat. 
; Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
G Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
F Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
k Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
/ Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
w Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
n Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
E Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
o Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
p Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
g Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 
r Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Paris: Bibl. Nat. 

Rouen: Bibl. Pub. 

Rouen: Bibl. Pub. 

Bamberg: K. Oeffent. Bibl. 

Berlin: Kgl. Bibl. 

Erlangen: K. Univ. Bibl. 

Leipzig: Stadtbibl. 

Munich: Kgl. Bibl. 

Munich: Kgl. Bibl. 

Munich: Kgl. Bibl. 

Munich: Kgl. Bibl. 

Minister : Univ. Bibl. 

Miinster: Univ. Bibl. 

Trier: Stadtbibl. 

Great Britain 

Dublin: Trinity College 

Durham: Cathedral 

London: Brit. Mus. 

London: Brit. Mus. 
London: Brit. Mus. 


MJlan: Bibl. Ambros. 
Milan : Bibl. Ambros. 
Milan : Bibl. Ambros. 
Milan: Bibl. Ambros. 
Milan: Bibl. Ambros. 
Mbnte Cassino 






214-216* (fr) 



63-79 (79-84 v Ind) 



66*-68*, 77-77*, 69-73 



35-49* (am. praef.) 



24-52 (ff. missing) 



20*-32 (32-35* Ind) 






122*-128* (fr) 






59^60*, 282-287* 












136 V -141* 






231-232* (fr) 



159-160 (fr) 


N. A. 1595 

136*-137* (fr) 


N. A. 2178 



N. A. 2179 

279*-286 (fr) 


N. A. 2261 



1388 (U32) 

105-106 (fr) 


1412 (A40) 

88*-90 (fr) 









21 (fr) 















68-180 (?) 


144 (272) 



218 (348) 









B IV 14 

219-235* (Ind) 


15621, Addit. of 




16161, Addit. of 

144- ? 



35110, Addit. of 

9*-28 (28-29* Ind) 



B 33 Inf. 

6 V -20 (20-23 Ind) 


B 55 Inf. 



D 22 Inf. 



H 224 Inf. 



P 113 Sup. 

100-113* (fr) 








Naples: Bibl. Nat. XV AA 15 Tom 111205-205*. 209-209* (fr) XIII 

Rome: Bibl. Angelica 1269 240-266 (Ind) XIII 

Rome: Lateran A80 72-84* XI 

Rome: Sanctae Mariae MaiorisB 108-114 (fr) XIII 

K Rome: Bibl. Vallicellana Tom I 250-254* (fr) XI-XII 

Rome: Bibl. Vallicellana Tom XXV 287*-289* (fr) XI-XII 

Rome: Vatican 214-219 XV 

H Rome: Vatican 1190 88*-97 (fr) XII 

/ Rome: Vatican 1191 198-203* (fr) XII 

Rome: Vatican 1271 350-351* (fr) XII 

Rome: Vatican Pal. 225 32-66* (Ind) XV 

C Rome: Vatican Cod. Reg. Sueciae 158-166 XII 

B Rome: Vatican Cod. Reg. Sueciael37*-150* (150M56* Ind) XI 



St. Gall: Stiftsbibl. 571 50-178 (1-48 Ind) IX 

St. Gall: Stiftsbibl. 577 451-498 (498- ? Ind) IX-X 

Bern: Stadtbibl. A8 ' 6* (praef. only) XII 

Engelbcrg: Benedictine 2 (62*-66 Ind) XII 


The earlier editions of the Vita Augustini in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries were not printed separately but were 
regularly included in volumes containing works of Augustine. 
They are catalogued in part in the Bibliotheca Hagiographica 
Latina 785 and in the British Museum Catalogue under Pos- 
sidius. The most important older edition not printed sepa- 
rately but included with the works of Augustine is in the Bene- 
dictine edition printed at Paris, 1679- I7OO. 67 

It was based on previous editions and, if we 
may judge from the readings given, on a very 

66 This is one of the MSS. used by Salinas. However it is not the 
Vita proper, but consists in extracts from the Vita with later addi- 
tions. It is the form of the Vita described as follows under BHL 
792: VITA ET TRANSLATIONES. Inc. Bb. Augustinus ex provin- 
cia Africae civitate Thagastensi honestis et christianis parentibus pro- 
genitus fuit. Des. lure igitur in apostolica est collocatus ecclesia quia 
pro apostolica. . . 

67 This edition was reprinted at Antwerp 1700-1703, Venice 1729- 
1734, Bassano 1807, Paris 1836-1839 and by Migne, Petit-Montrouge 
1841-1849 and again at Paris in 1865 as part of the Patrologia Latina. 


cursory examination of six MSS., FLMNOP. It appears to 
have made but few alterations in the traditional printed text. 
Some criticism of the Benedictine and earlier editions is found 
in the edition by Salinas, printed at Rome in 1731, pp. V- 
VIII. 68 

This edition by Salinas is the first separate edition of the 
Vita. It is based on an examination of certain earlier editions, 
chiefly the Benedictine, and MSS. BCHJ and Vatican MS. 
n88 69 at first hand. The edition is divided into two parts, the 
first containing the text of the Vita with critical and explana- 
tory notes and the second a dissertation by Salinas De Vita et 
Rebus Gestis S. Possidii. His scanty citations of readings from 
the small group of MSS. he used, as tested by an examination 
of photostatic copies, are generally accurate, but several er- 
rors occur. He gives no classification or estimate of their 
relative value, though he seems to have a preference for C, 
His text, on the whole, differs very little from that of the 
Benedictine edition. His choice or change of readings, when 
explained at all, is based not on manuscript evidence, but 
rather on extraneous suggestions, generally of a historical 

The explanatory notes in the edition of Salinas are not 
very frequent. Nevertheless they give full and even superflu- 
ous information, consisting largely of quotations from Augus- 
tine, the Acts of Councils and other illustrations from church 
history. The main fault of the notes is that they are often 
burdened with unnecessary matter and are not proportioned to 
the importance of the subject explained. Salinas also added 
the chapter headings, which do not appear in the earlier edi- 
tions. These have been retained in the present edition as pro- 
viding convenient summaries of each chapter. 

68 S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponesis Episcopi Vita auctore S. Possidio 
Calamensi Episcopo . . . opera et studio D. Joannis Salinas, Romae 
1731. A copy of this rare book was procured for the Library of Prince- 
ton University by the late Director Jesse Benedict Carter of the Ameri- 
can Academy at Rome. 

69 See note 66, p. 32. 


The work of Salinas, however, has a distinct value. Apart 
from the earlier Benedictine edition, it is the first edition which 
attempts to be critical. Its general review of the text, though 
not made by scientific method, represents a certain advance 
over anything done before, and the information in the notes 
is usually reliable. 

There are three other editions which deserve brief notice. 
The Migne edition (1865) is merely a reprint of the Benedic- 
tine edition with a comparison of Salinas and the addition of 
his critical notes. The text in the Acta Sanctorum (Paris, 
1866) is a reprint of the text of Salinas with variant readings 
from Q. There is also an edition by Hurter in Sanctorum 
Patrum Opuscula Selecta, Innsbruck 1895. The source of the 
text is not evident, as it agrees neither with the Benedictine 
nor Salinas edition, but seems to result from a capricious al- 
teration of both. It abounds in errors of omission, transposi- 
tions and even has insertions which appear nowhere else, either 
in the ten MSS. used or in the editions. However it contains 
some valuable comments and a few selections from the critical 
notes of Salinas. 

The textus receptus evidently dates back to the early edi- 
tions, at least to the Louvain edition of 1564. Many liberties 
have been taken in altering the text, chiefly to fit the rules of 
classical grammar or to make it read more 
The Text smoothly. Instances are the substitution of 

the accusative for the ablative, in ipsas mon- 
tium silvas ct ccwernas petrarum et speluncas confugientes: 
XXVIII; the subjunctive for the indicative, praedicaret: IX; 
the imperfect for the pluperfect subjunctive, dene gar et: XIV; 
a change to a more suitable conjunction, sed for et: XIV; 
petitus iret for petitum ire: XXVII, to avoid an abrupt change 
of construction; astantem for assistentem: XXVII, for no rea- 
son at all apparently; the unnecessary insertion of debeo: 
Praef., to complete the sentence ; the omission of nam and in- 
sertion of autem: XXXI, and the substitution of the ablative 
absolute for the accusative, eisque compertis for eaque com- 


perta: IX, because the parenthetical remarks were somewhat 
obscured; oppropinquaret for propinquaret: IV, and elevata 
for levata: V; the substitution of spectaret for speraret: IV, 
evidently because the common meaning of spero did not fit; 
factus ergo for factusque: V; iuste for iniusti: XIII; latebras 
for latera: XV; probata for prolata: XVII; JMO.S for suis: 
XXV; inobediensve for inobediensque: XXVIII; the insertion 
of quod after credo: XV; the addition, by Salinas, of conver- 
sus ad Deum: II, and verbum Dei: V; the numerous substitu- 
tions of Us for his which appears consistently in all the MSS. 70 
In some of these instances the readings of the editions perhaps 
may find support in MSS. not available for this edition, but 
the changes are altogether too numerous and too nice to be 
anything but an attempt at wholesale text-improvement. This 
text was unquestioningly adopted by later editions, without so 
much as an indication of the manuscript readings at many such 
places. Nevertheless, despite the alterations made by editors, 
the main body of the text is clear in all the manuscripts con- 
sulted, and the area of disputable readings, significant or in- 
significant, is only about eight hundred words out of a total 
of over twelve thousand. 

In basing the text on AB, the best group of the MSS. A-K, 
it becomes clear that while there are no difficulties in the form 
of lacunae or corrupt passages of extended length, there are 
many readings, principally of individual words, which need 
exact determination. All these readings have been minutely 
examined and tested by the weight of the manuscript evidence 
available and a comparison of the usage of Possidius in other 
instances. Such alterations in the text as have been made 
without manuscript authority in previous editions have been 

70 Compare, for example, the unanimous evidence of the MSS. as 
opposed to the editions on p. 44. Further instances of this sort of text 
correction where the evidence of the MSS, is unanimously opposed to the 
editions, are recorded in the apparatus criticus. In some other cases 
when the MSS. vary, the editions nevetheless present some individual 
readings unsupported by any of the MSS. 


largely subjective and have tended to obscure the lan- 
guage and style of Possidius. The purpose of this edition is 
to present a revision of previous editions in the light of fuller 
evidence from a larger number of MSS. and to arrive at a 
text which reproduces as nearly as possible what Possidius 
wrote, rather than what he should have written. While the 
result is a text written in a manner somewhat more uncouth, 
abrupt and awkward than is found in the editions where the 
text abounds in smooth corrections of editors, it is nevertheless 
evidently the truer text. 

Benedictine MSS. 


A Chartres 112. 

B Vatican 1025. 

C Vatican 541. 

D Paris 2076. 

E Paris 13220. 

F Paris 11748. 

G Paris 10863. 

H Vatican 1190. 

/ Vatican 1191. 

K Vallicellana I. 

L Floriacensis I 

M Floriacensis II 

N Germanensis 

P Cisterciensis 

Q P. MS 5 (in Acta Sanctorum) 

a-r 17 supplementary MSS., see page 30. 

Sal. Salinas. 

Ben. Benedictine. 

ML Migne. 

edd. Salinas, Benedictine, Migne. 

Second hand or change by first hand. 

1 Words followed by a single square bracket are ex- 

tracts from the text adopted in this edition. 

Readings Noted in the Apparatus Criticus. 
The readings noted are the variant readings, with no cita- 
tions from the MSS. supporting the text, except where there 
is considerable confusion in the MSS. and where readings of 
the supplementary MSS. &-r are given. 




Inspirante rerum omnium factore et gubernatore Deo, mei 
5 memor propositi, quo per gratiam Salvatoris, omnipotent! ac 
divinae Trinitati per fidem servire decrevi, et antea in vita 
laicorum, et nunc in officio episcoporum studens ex qualicunque 
accepto ingenio et sermone aedificationi prodesse sanctae ac 
verae Christi Domini Catholicae Ecclesiae, de vita et moribus 

10 praedestinati et suo tempore praesentati sacerdotis optimi 
Augustini, quae in eodem vidi, ab eoque audivi, minime reti- 
cere. Id enim etiam ante nos factitatum fuisse a religiosissi- 
mis sanctae matris Ecclesiae Catholicae viris legimus et com- 
perimus, qui divino afflati Spiritu, sermone proprio atque stilo, 

15 et auribus et oculis scire volentium, dicendo et scribendo simi- 
lia, studiosorum notitiae intulerunt, quales quantique viri ex 
communi Dominica gratia in rebus humanis et vivere et usque 
in finem obitus perseverare meruerunt. Idcirco ipse quoque 
dispensatorum omnium minimus, fide non ficta, qua Domino 

20 dominantium omnibusque bonis serviendum et placendum est 
fidelibus, de praedicti venerabilis viri et exortu et procursu et 
debito fine, 1 quae per eum didici et expertus sum, quampluri- 
mis annis eius inhaerens caritati, ut Dominus donaverit ex- 
plicandum suscepi. Verum summam quaeso maiestatem, quo 

4 Inspirante 40, 15 honorificum est om. Jj, Inspirante 60, 23 

faciebant om. G 5 omnipotentis CDF*H, omnipotentiae KQ 
6 trinitatis CQ, per fidem trinitatis DF, per fidem trinitati edd 8 aedi- 
ficationis CFHKNP 9 ac H Sal II minime reticere] ABDE 
FHKQbdgr, reticebo D*, disposui minime reticeri C, minime reticere 
disposui e, minime reticere statui hlq, minime reticere delegi m, minime 
reticere volui np, minime audeo reticere o, minime puto reticenda c, reti- 
cere nolui k, minime reticere debeo fortasse ex coniectura edd. debeo 




Inspired by God, the Maker and Ruler of all, and mindful 
of my purpose wherein through the grace of the Saviour I 
resolved faithfully to serve the omnipotent and divine Trin- 
ity, both formerly as a layman and now as a bishop, I am 
eager with whatever ability and eloquence I possess, to aid in 
the edification of the holy and true Catholic Church of Christ 
the Lord, and so [have resolved] not to keep silent concern- 
ing the life and character of the most noble Bishop Augustine, 
predestined long ago and presented in his own time the 
things that I have seen in him and heard from him. I have 
read and observed that this very thing was often done in 
times past by most devout men of the holy Catholic Mother 
Church. Inspired by the divine Spirit, yet using their own 
speech and style, they spoke and wrote like histories for the 
ears and eyes of those who wished to learn, and thus brought 
to the notice of the studious the great men who were counted 
worthy by the Lord's free grace both to live amid human af- 
fairs and to persevere to the end of their course. Therefore 
in that faith unfeigned whereby all righteous and faithful 
souls must serve and please the Lord of Lords, I also, the 
least of all His stewards, have determined, with the Lord's 
help, to set forth the origin, career and end of this venerable 
man as I have learned them from him and observed them 
through so many years of loving fellowship. But I beseech 

out em super fluum est quia reticere similiter ac servire ex decrevi pendet 
17 domini CDEF edd., per communis domini gratiam OL vel M. Q 
exhibet dominica. 



munus huiusmodi a me arreptum ita geram et peragam, ut nee 
Patris luminum 2 offendam veritatem, nee bonorum Ecclesiae 
filiorum ulla ex parte videar fraudare caritatem. Nee attin- 
gam ea omnia insinuare, quae idem beatissimus Augustinus in 
5 suis Confessionum libris de semetipso, qualis ante perceptam 
gratiam fuerit qualisque iam sumpta viveret, designavit. Hoc 
autem facere voluit, ut ait Apostolus, ne de se quisquam homi- 
rum supra quam se esse noverat, aut de se auditum fuisset, 
crederet vel putaret, 3 humilitatis sanctae more utique [suo] 

10 nihilo fallens, sed laudem non suam, sed sui Domini de propria 
liberatione ac munere quaerens, ex his videlicet quae iam 
perceperat, et fraternas preces poscens de his quae accipere 
cupiebat. Sacramentum igitur regis, ut angelica auctoritate 
prolatum est, bonum est abscondere: opera autem Domini 

1 5 revelare et confiteri, honorificum est* 


Augustini ortus, conversio et baptismus 
Ex provincia ergo Africana civitate Tagastensi, 1 de numero 
curialium parentibus honestis et Christianis progenitus erat, 

20 alitusque ac nutritus eorum cura et diligentia impensisque, 
secularibus litteris eruditus apprime, omnibus videlicet disci- 
plinis imbutus, quas liberales vocant. 2 Nam et grammaticam 
prius in sua civitate, et rhetoricam in Africae capite Cartha- 
gine postea docuit. Consequenti etiam tempore trans mare in 

25 urbe Roma, et apud Mediolanum, ubi tune imperatoris Valen- 
tiniani minoris comitatus fuerat constitutus. In qua urbe tune 

3 fraudare videar CDFHK edd., videar errasse E 7 autem] enim 
CDEFHK edd Q exhibet autem 8 noverat auderet de se credere 
vel putare /, se credere vel putare q g humilitatis sanctae more utique 
[suo] nihilo fallens] A, humilitatis sanctae more utique nihil fallens 
BQbcego (nihilo n, memores &), humilitatis sanctae memoriae utique ni- 
hilo fallens E, humilitatis sanctae more ut iam e nihilo fallens r, humil- 
itatis sanctae memoriae ut iam nihilo fallens H, humilitatis sanctae me- 
moriae ut a me nihilo fallens F, humilitate sanctae memoriae uti a me 
nihilo fallens K, humilitatis sanctae memoria utque nihil fallens CD* 
(memoria utens; utque Sal. in commentario ex errore), humilitatis sanc- 
ta memoria utique nihila fallens h (sancte m), humilitatis sancte me- 


the divine Majesty that by His aid I may carry out and com- 
plete this task, which I have undertaken, without sinning 
against the truth of the Father of Lights or seeming in any 
way to disappoint the loving expectation of good sons of the 
Church. It is not my purpose to touch on all those things 
which the blessed Augustine noted about himself in his books 
of the Confessions, telling what his life was before receiving 
the divine grace and what is- became on his conversion. For it 
was his purpose that, in the words of the Apostle, "no man 
should believe or think him to be above that which he knew 
him to be or heard of him." Therefore in his practice of holy 
humility he deceived no one and sought not his own praise for 
those things he had already received, but the glory of his 
Lord because of the blessing of his own deliverance, and de- 
sired the prayers of his brethren for the things which he 
hoped to obtain. For, as declared by the angel, though "It is 
good to hide the secret of a king: yet it is honorable to reveal 
and confess the works of God." 

Augustine's birth, conversion and baptism 

Augustine was born in the African province, in the city of 
Tagaste of honorable Christian parents of curial rank and 
was nurtured and trained under their care and attention. At 
their expense he was educated chiefly in secular literature, 
that is, was trained in all the disciplines which are called liberal. 
For he first taught grammar in his own town and then rhetoric 
at Carthage, the capitol of Africa. Subsequently [he taught] 
across the sea in the city of Rome and at Milan where the Em- 
peror Valentinian the Younger had then established his court. 

morie utique nihil fallens p, humilitate sancta uti et timore utique non 

fallens d, humilitatis fallens om. Iq, humilitatis sanctae more utens 

et iam nullum fallens edd n iis edd 12 iis edd 18 Ex pro- 
vincia] incipit J africae HJK, africa A carthaginensi ABJ, trai- 
estensi C 19 fuit A*D*E* 20 altusque A 21 adprimate A 
23 sua om. A. 


episcopatum administrabat acceptissimus Deo, et in optimis 
viris praeclarissimus sacerdos Ambrosius. 3 Huius interea verbi 
Dei praedicatoris frequentissimis in ecclesia disputationibus 
assistens in populo, intendebat suspensus 4 atque affixus. Ve- ' 
5 rum aliquando Manichaeorum 5 apud Carthaginem adolescens ' 
fuerat errore seductus, et ideo ceteris suspensior aderat, ne 
quid vel pro ipsa vel contra ipsam haeresim diceretur. Et 
provenit Dei liberatoris dementia sui sacerdotis cor pertrac-' 
tantis, ut contra ilium errorem incidentes legis solverentur, 

10 quaestiones, atque ita edoctus sensim atque paulatim haeresis' 
ilia miseratione divina eius ex animo expulsa est: protinusque 
in fide catholica confirmatus, proficiendi in religione eidem 
amoris ardor innatus est, quo propinquantibus diebus sanctis 
Paschae, salutis aquam perciperet. Et factum est divina 

15 praestante opitulatione, ut per ilium tantum ac talem antistitem 
Ambrosium et doctrinam salutarem Ecclesiae Catholicae et 
divina perciperet sacramenta. 


Relictis omnibus suscipit propositum serviendi Deo, iam annis 
20 maior triginta 

Moxque ex intimis cordis medullis 1 spem omnem quam habe- 
bat in seculo dereliquit, iam non uxorem, non filios carnis, non 
divitias, non honores seculi quaerens 2 : sed Deo cum suis servire 
statuit, et in illo, et ex illo pusillo grege esse studens, quern 
25 Dominus alloquitur, dicens: Nolite timer e pusillus grex, quo- 
niam complatuit Patri vestro dare vobis regnum. Vendite 
quae possidetis, et date eleemosynam: facite vobis sacculos non 
vet eras centes, thesaurum non deficientem in coelis, 3 et cetera. 
Et illud quod dicit iterum Dominus, idem vir sanctus facere 

4 astans CDEFHJK edd 8 praevenit BD* edd. Q exhibet pro- 
venit ii pulsa est CDEFHJK edd protinusque] -j-ipse edd 13 
natus B*CD, iniectus Q sanctae BK 15 talem ac tantum edd 
17 divinum sacramentum BQ 24 medullis] -f-conversus K, -fconver- 
sus ad Deum Sal, om. Qabcdeghjklmnopqr 


At that time the bishopric in this city was administered by 
Ambrose, a priest most acceptable to God and eminent among 
the best of men. As he stood among the people in the church 
he used to listen in eager suspense to the frequent sermons 
of this preacher of the Word of God. Now at one time, while 
still a youth at Carthage, he had been carried away by the 
error of the Manichaeans and therefore was more eager than 
others to hear whether anything would be said for or against 
this heresy. And by the mercy of God the Deliverer who 
touched the heart of His bishop, it came to pass that the ques- 
tions of the Law bearing on that error were solved, and so 
little by little Augustine was led on by the divine compassion 
until the heresy was driven from his soul. Straightway, es- 
tablished in the Catholic faith, an ardent desire was awakened 
in him to perfect himself in religion, and so with the coming 
of the holy days of Easter he received the water of baptism. 
And thus it happened that by divine grace he received through 
the great and illustrious prelate Ambrose the salutary doc- 
trine of the Catholic Church and the divine Sacraments. 


When more than thirty years of age he leaves all and takes 
up his profession of serving God 

And soon from his inmost heart he relinquished all earthly 
desires, no longer seeking wife, children of the flesh, riches or 
worldly honors. But he determined to serve God with His 
saints, desiring to be in and of that little flock to which the 
Lord spoke, saying, "Fear not, little flock, for it is your Fa- 
ther's good pleasure to give you the kingdom. Sell that ye 
have and give alms ; provide yourselves bags which wax not 
old, a treasure in the heavens that faileth not," and so on. 
And that which the Lord spoke on another occasion this holy 


cupiens : Si iris esse perfectus, vende omnia quae habes, et da 
pauperibus, et habebis thesaunun in coelis, et veni sequere me.* 
Et super fidei fundamentum aedificare desiderans, non ligna, 
fenum et stipulam, sed aurum, argentum et lapides pretiosos. 5 
5 Et erat tune annis maior triginta, 6 sola superstite matre, 7 
sibique adhaerente, et de suscepto eius proposito serviendi Deo 
amplius quam de carnis nepotibus exsultante. 8 Nam iam eius 
pater antea defunctus erat. 9 Renunciavit etiam scholasticis 
quos rhetor docebat, ut sibi magistrum alium providerent, eo 
10 quod servire ipse Deo decrevisset. 10 

Secessus Augustini 

Ac placuit ei percepta gratia cum aliis civibus et amicis suis 
Deo pariter servientibus ad Africam et propriam domum 

15 agrosque remeare. Ad quos veniens, et in quibus constitutus 
ferme triennio, 1 et a se iam alienatis, cum his qui eidem ad- 
haerebant Deo vivebat, ieiuniis, orationibus, bonis operibus, in 
lege Domini meditans die ac nocte. 2 Et de his quae sibi Deus 
cogitanti atque oranti intellecta revelabat, et praesentes et ab- 

20 sentes sermonibus ac libris docebat. Contigit forte eodem 
tempore, ut quidam ex his, quos dicunt agentes in rebus, 3 apud 
Hipponem-regium 4 constitutus, bene Chfistianus Deumque 
timens, comperta eius bona fama atque doctrina, desideraret 
atque optaret eum videre, promittens se posse mundi huius 

25 omnes contemnere cupiditates atque illecebras, si aliquando ex 
eius ore Dei verbum audire meruisset. Quod cum ad se fideli 
fuisset relatione delatum, liberari animam cupiens ab huius 

4 et (2) om. ABHK 7 iam om. CDEFHJ edd., nam eius pater iam 
K 9 rhetoricam CD*F edd. Q exhibet rhetor. Cf. Aug. Conf. V 
vii 13 : quas tune iam rhetor Carthaginis adulescentes docebam 10 deo 
ipse DEFHJK edd., ipse om. C 16 alienatis] ACEFHabcreghklmno 
pqr, alienatus DJ ' , alienatis curis K, alienatis pristinis vitiis B, alienatis 
curis secularibus edd his]ABCDEFHJKabcdeghjklmnopqr, iis edd 
17 bonisque C*J edd., et bonis K 18 iis edd 19 cogitandi atque 
orandi A, congitando atque orando A*, cogitante atque orante B 21 iis 
edd 27 liberare D*J edd. Q exhibet liberari. 


man sought to do: "If thou wilt be perfect, sell that thou 
hast and give to the poor and thou shalt have treasure in 
heaven: and come and follow me." He also desired to build 
on the foundation of faith, not on wood, hay and stubble, 
but on gold, silver and precious stones. He was now more 
than thirty years of age, his mother alone surviving and cling- 
ing to him, exulting more in his determination to serve God 
than in the hope of offspring after the flesh. His father had 
already died before this time. He also gave notice to his 
pupils in rhetoric to secure another teacher, as he had resolved 
to serve God. 


The retirement of Augustine 

When he had received the grace of God, he determined, with 
others of his neighbors and friends who served God with him, 
to return to Africa to his own home and lands to which he 
came and in which he was settled for almost three years. He 
now gave up these possessions and began to live with those 
who had also consecrated themselves to God, in fastings and 
prayers and good works, meditating day and night in the Law of 
the Lord. And the things which God revealed to him through 
prayer and meditation, he taught both those present and ab- 
sent in his sermons and books. Now it happened at this time 
that one of those whom they call "agents in affairs" who lived 
at Hippo Regius, a good Christian who feared God, heard of 
his good fame and learning. He earnestly sought to see him, 
declaring that he was ready to reject all the passions and al- 
lurements of this world if he were but counted worthy to 
hear the Word of God from his lips. When this was brought 
Jo Augustine by trustworthy report, he longed to rescue that 


vitae periculis morteque aeterna, ad memoratam ultro atque 
confestim venit civitatem, et hominem visum allocutus fre- 
quentius atque exhortatus est, quantum Deus donabat, ut quod 
Deo voverat reddidisset. Ac se ille de die in diem facturum 
5 pollicebatur, nee tamen in eius tune hoc implevit praesentia. 
Sed vacare utique et inane esse 5 non potuit, quod per tale vas 
nmndum in honore, utile Domino ad omne opus bonum para- 
turn, 6 in omni loco divina gerebat providentia. 

10 Capitur ad presbyterii gradum 

Eodem itaque tempore in ecclesia Hipponensi Catholica 
Valerius 1 sanctus episcopatum gerebat. Qui cum flagitante 
ecclesiastica necessitate, de providendo et ordinando presby- 
tero civitati plebem Dei alloqueretur et exhortaretur, iam 

15 scientes Catholici sancti Augustini propositum et doctrinam, 
manu iniecta (quoniam et idem in populo securus et ignarus 2 
quid futurum esset astabat; solebat autem laicus, ut nobis 
dicebat, ab eis tantum ecclesiis, quae non haberent episcopos, 
suam abstinere praesentiam) ; eum ergo tenuerunt et, ut in 

20 talibus consuetum est, episcopo ordinandum intulerunt, omni- 
bus id uno consensu et desiderio fieri perficique petentibus, 
magnoque studio et clamore flagitantibus, ubertim eo flente: 
nonnullis quidem lacrimas eius, ut nobis ipse retulit, tune 
superbe interpretantibus, et tamquam eum consolantibus ac 

25 dicentibus, quia et locus presbyterii, licet ipse maiore dignus 
esset, propinquaret tamen episcopatui ; cum ille homo Dei, ut 

4 redderet E*J Sal. Q exhibet reddidisset ac] haec CDFQ, hac 
E, hoc * 6 vacare] ADEFHJKejknopr, vacari Bdgm, vacuum 

A*CE*Qch, om. Iq 7 mundum]-het, Domino]+et CF edd 17 lai- 
cus] vicos A 25 maiora DFHK, maiori BCD*EJ. Cf. graviora 
[pati] dignos: DCD. V xxiii, codd. discrepantibus, pleris exhibentibus 
graviora dignos, graviore dignos vel graviori dignos ; id erant digni : 
DCD. XXI xviii, codd. omnes, ed. Hoffmann 26 appropinquaret edd. 
Q exhibet propinquaret. 


soul from the dangers of this life and from eternal death. 
So of his own accord he went in haste to that famous city and 
when he had seen the man he spoke to him frequently and 
exhorted him that in so far as God had blessed him he should 
pay to God what he had vowed. Day after day he promised 
to do so, but did not fulfil this while Augustine was present. 
And yet surely in this case that could not have proved vain 
and ineffectual which divine Providence was everywhere ac- 
complishing by means of this vessel purged unto honor, meet 
for the Master's use and prepared unto every good work. 

He is seized for the office of presbyter 

Now at this time the holy Valerius was bishop in the Catho- 
lic church at Hippo. But owing to the increasing demands of 
ecclesiastical duty he addressed the people of God and ex- 
horted them to provide and ordain a presbyter for the city. 
The Catholics, already acquainted with the life and teaching 
of the holy Augustine, laid hands on him for he was stand- 
ing there among the people secure and unaware of what was 
about to happen. For while a layman he was careful, as he 
told us, to withhold his presence solely from those churches 
which had no bishops. So they laid hands on him and, as is 
the custom in such cases, brought him to the bishop to be 
ordained, for all with common consent desired that this should 
be done and accomplished ; ancf they demanded it with great 
zeal and clamor, while he wept freely. But some, as he him- 
self later told us, at the time ascribed his tears to wounded 
pride and by way of consolation told him that while he was 
worthy of greater honor the office of presbyter was but little 
inferior to the bishopric. But the man of God, as he told us, 


nobis retulit, maiori consideratione intelligent et gemeret, 
quam multa et magna suae vitae pericula de regimine et gu- 
bernatione ecclesiae impendere iam ac provenire speraret, atque 
ideo fleret. 3 Et eorum ut voluerunt completum est deside- 
5 rium. 4 

Monasterium instituit 

Factusque presbyter 1 monasterium 2 intra ecclesiam mox 
instituit, et cum Dei servis vivere coepit secundum modum et 

10 regulam sub sanctis apostolis constitutam. 3 Maxime ut nemo 
quidquam proprium in ilia societate haberet, sed eis essent 
omnia communia, et distribuerentur unicuique sicut opus erat, 4 
quod iam ipse prior fecerat, dum de transmarinis ad sua reme- 
asset. Sanctus vero Valerius ordinator eius, ut erat vir pius 

15 et Deum timens, exsultabat et Deo gratias agebat. Preces 
quas frequentissime fudisset suas exauditas a Domino fuisse 
narrabat, ut sibi divinitus homo concederetur talis, qui posset 
verbo Dei et doctrina salubri Ecclesiam Domini aedificare: cui 
rei se homo natura Graecus, minusque Latina lingua et litteris 

20 instructus, minus utilem pervidebat. Eidem presbytero po- 
testatem dedit se coram in ecclesia Evangelium praedicandi, ac 
frequentissime tractandi, contra usum quidem et consuetudinem 
Af ricanarum ecclesiarum. 5 Unde etiam eum nonnulli episcopi 
detrahebant. Sed ille vir venerabilis ac providus, in orientali- 

25 bus ecclesiis id ex more fieri sciens et certus, et utilitati ec- 
clesiae consulens, obtrectantium non curabat linguas, dum- 
modo factitaretur a presbytero, quod a se episcopo impleri 

3 speraret] ABCDEFHJKabcdejmnopqr, sperasset h, spectaret edd 
8 factus ergo cdd 10 substantiis ab apostolis A 12 distribueretur 
BCDEHJ edd., distribuerent K, distribueret F 13 remeassent A, 
remearet C 16 fudisset] -|-deo B, gratias agebat, suas exauditas a 
domino fuisse preces, quas se frequentissime fudisse narrabat DEHJK 
edd., quibtts consentit C preces ante a domino transferens, et F narratur 
pro narrabat exhibens 20 et eidem CD*EJK edd., et idem DF 
21 securam A, se curam ecclesiae B, coram se CDFH edd., se om. E 
23 eum om. BDEFHK, add. D*, ei / edd., ei etiam C 


understood with greater comprehension and mourned as he 
apprehended the many imminent dangers which threatened his 
life in the direction and government of the church, and for this 
reason he wept, But their desire was accomplished as they 

He establishes a monastery 

Soon after he had been made presbyter he established a 
monastery within the church and began to live with the ser- 
vants of God according to the manner and rule instituted by 
the holy apostles. The principal rule of this society was that 
no one should possess anything of his own, but that all things 
should be held in common and be distributed to each one as 
he had need, as Augustine had formerly done after he returned 
to his native home from across the sea. But the holy Valerius 
who ordained him, a good man fearing God, rejoiced and 
gave thanks to God. He said the Lord had heard the prayers 
which he had unceasingly poured forth that divine Providence 
would grant him such a man, who by his salutary teaching of 
the Word of God could edify the Church of the Lord. For 
Valerius, a Greek by birth and less versed in the Latin lan- 
guage and literature, saw that he himself was less useful for 
this end. Therefore he gave his presbyter the right of 
preaching the Gospel in his presence in the church and very 
frequently of holding public discussions contrary to the prac- 
tice and custom of the African churches. On this account 
some bishops found fault with him. But the venerable and 
prudent man knew well that this was the custom in the Eastern 
churches and considered only the welfare of the Church and 
took no notice of the words of his detractors, if only his pres- 
byter might do that which he saw could not be accomplished 


minime posse cernebat. Unde accensa et ardens levata super 
candelabrum lucerna, omnibus qui in domo erant lucebat. 6 Et 
postea currente et volante huiusmodi fama, bono praecedente 
exemplo, accepta ab episcopis potestate, presbyteri nonnulli 
5 coram episcopis populis tractare coeperunt. 

Conflictus Augustini cum Fortunato Manichaeo 

Sane in ilia tune Hipponensi urbe Manichaeorum pestilentia 
quam plurimos vel cives vel peregrines et infecerat et pene- 

10 traverat, seducente et decipiente eiusdem haeresis quodam 
presbytero nomine Fortunato, 1 ibidem conversante atque man- 
ente. Interea Hipponenses cives vel peregrini Christian! tarn 
Catholici quam etiam Donatistae adeunt presbyterum, ac de- 
poscunt, ut ilium hominem Manichaeorum presbyterum, quern 

15 doctum credebant, videret, et cum eodem de Lege tractaret. 
Quod idem, ut scriptum est, paratus ad confessionem omni 
poscenti se rationem de fide et spe quae in Deum est, 2 potens- 
que exhortari in doctrina sana, et contradicentes redarguere, 8 
minime renuit. Sed utrum etiam ille hoc fieri vellet, sciscitatus 

20 est. At illi confestim ad ilium Fortunatum id detulerunt, 
petentes, exhortantes ac flagitantes, quod id minime recusaret. 
Sane quoniam idem Fortunatus iam apud Carthaginem sanc- 
tum noverat Augustinum adhuc in eodem secum errore con- 
stitutum, cum eodem congredi pavitabat. Verumtamen suo- 

25 rum maxime instantia coactus ac verecundatus, promisit in 
comminus se esse venturum, certamenque disputandi subitu- 
rum. Unde condicto die et loco convenerunt in unum, concur- 

I elevata cdd 5 coeperunt] -fverbum dei edd., ont. Qabcdeghjklmn 
opqr 12 vel] et edd 13 adeunt]+augustinum BEH 16 confes- 
sionem] responsionem CDEFJ edd 17 deo HK, domino / 20 ip- 
sum CDEFHJK edd 21 pententes]-f et CDEFHK edd. ac flagi- 
tantes om. HK. 


by himself as bishop. Wherefore this burning and shining 
light was placed upon a candlestick and gave light to all who 
were in the house. And after the report of this had rapidly 
spread by reason of the good example which preceded it, some 
other presbyters by permission of their bishops began to 
preach to the people in their presence. 

The conflict of Augustine with Fortunatus, a Manichaean 

Now in the city of Hippo at this time the plague of the 
Manichaeans had infected and permeated very many, both 
citizens and strangers, who were seduced and deceived by a 
certain presbyter of that heresy, Fortunatus by name, who 
lived and dwelt there. Meanwhile the Christians of Hippo, 
whether citizens or strangers, Catholics and even Donatists, 
came to the presbyter Augustine and demanded that he should 
meet this presbyter of the Manichaeans, whom they regarded 
as a learned man, and argue with him about the Law. This 
he in no wise refused; for, as it is written, he was "ready to 
give an answer to every man that asked him a reason of the 
hope and faith that is toward God, and was able by sound doc- 
trine both to exhort and refute the gainsayers." But he sought 
to learn whether Fortunatus were willing that this should take 
place. So they at once reported the matter to Fortunatus ask- 
ing, urging and even demanding that he should on no account 
refuse. But since Fortunatus had previously known the holy 
Augustine at Carthage when he was still involved with himself 
in this same error, he was afraid to meet him. Nevertheless 
he was greatly urged and shamed by the insistency of his fol- 
lowers and promised that he would meet him face to face and 
enter the contest of debate. So they met at an appointed time 


rentibus quam plurimis studiosis turbisque curiosis, et apertis 
notarii 4 tabulis, disputatio est coepta et primo, et secundo finita 
est die. In qua ille Manichaeus praeceptor, ut se gestorum 
continet fides, 5 nee Catholicam assertionem potuit vacuare, nee 

5 Manichaeorum sectam subnixam veritate valuit comprobare: 
sed responsione deficiens ultima, collaturum se cum suis 
maioribus ea, quae refellere non potuit, prosecutus est; et si 
sibi forte de his satis minime fecissent, suae animae consultu- 
rum : atque ita ab omnibus, apud quos magnus et doctus vide- 

10 batur, nihil valuisse in suae sectae assertione iudicatus est. 
Qua ille confusione affectus, et sequenti tempore de Hipponen- 
si civitate prof ectus, ad earn amplius non remeavit : ac sic per 
memoratum Dei hominem omnium cordibus, vel qui aderant, 
vel qui absentes ilia quae gesta sunt cognoverant, error ille 

15 ablatus, Catholica est intimata ac retenta sincera religio. 


Libri et tractatus Augustini contra fidei hostes ab ipsis etiam 
haereticis ingenti ardore excepti 

Et docebat ac praedicabat ille privatim et publice, in domo 
20 et in ecclesia salutis verbum cum omni fiducia adversus Afri- 
canas haereses, maximeque contra Donatistas, Manichaeos et 
paganos, libris con feeds et repentinis sermonibus, 1 ineffabiliter 
admirantibus Christianis et collaudantibus, et hoc ipsum ubi 
poterant non tacentibus, et diffamantibus. Atque, Dei dono, 

2 notariorum E cdd., notariis HK est] et BJ, om. CDEFK edd., 
disputatione coepta H et primo] et om. CDEFHJK edd prima et 
secunda / 3 se om. edd 4 evacuare JK 5 subnexam vcritati B, 
veritate subnixam CDEFJ edd., veritate subnixa H, veritatem sub- 
nixam K 6 ultime H, ultimam F, ultimo Ben. Mi 12 ac sic 54, 

ii manifestata est om. J 20 omni om. A 23 collaetantibus edd 
24 et] sed CD*K edd sicque adiuvante domino edd., sicque dono 
dei pax in africa (africana perperam Sal.) ecclesia orta est apud 
quam multo tempore C. Q exhibet atque dei dono. 


and place, where many who were interested and crowds of 
the curious quickly gathered. When the reporters' books had 
been opened, the discussion was begun on the first day and 
ended on the second. In this discussion the Manichaean 
teacher, as the evidence of the record proves, could neither 
refute the Catholic argument, nor could he prove that the sect 
of the Manichaeans was founded on truth. But failing in his 
final answer, he declared that he would refer to his superiors 
the arguments which he had been unable to refute, and if per- 
chance they should not satisfy him on these matters, he would 
consult the welfare of his own soul. Thereupon all who had 
formerly regarded him as great and learned now judged that 
he had accomplished nothing in the defence of his own sect. 
Overwhelmed with confusion he left the city of Hippo soon 
after and returned to it no more. Thus this error was re- 
moved by that memorable man of God from the hearts of all 
those present or those absent who learned what had been done ; 
and the Catholic faith was declared and upheld as the true 


The books and treatises of Augustine against the enemies of 

the faith are eagerly received even by the 

heretics themselves 

In private and in public, at home and in the church, Augus- 
tine taught and preached the Word of salvation with all con- 
fidence against the African heresies, especially against the 
Donatists, Manichaeans and pagans both in his finished books 
and extemporaneous sermons, the Christians, who did not keep 
silent but spread it abroad wherever they could, being filled 
with unspeakable joy and praise. And so, with God's help, the 


levare in Africa Ecclesia Catholica exorsa est caput quae 
multo tempore illis convalescentibus haereticis, praecipueque 
i ebaptizante Donati parte, maiore multitudine Afrorum, se- 
ducta et pressa et oppressa iacebat. Et hos eius libros atque 
5 tractatus mirabili Dei gratia procedentes ac profluentes, in- 
structos rationis copia atque auctoritate sanctarum Scriptura- 
rum, ipsi quoque haeretici concurrentes, cum Catholicis ingenti 
ardore audiebant, et quisquis, ut voluit et potuit, notarios adhi- 
bentes, 2 ea quae dicebantur excepta describentes. Et inde iam 
IO per totum Africae corpus praeclara doctrina odorque suavissi- 
mus Christi 3 diffusa et manifestata 4 est, congaudente quoque id 
comperta Ecclesia Dei transmarina. Quoniam sicut patitur 
unum membrum, compatiuntur omnia membra : ita cum glori- 
ficatur unum membrum, congaudent omnia membra. 5 


Designatur episcopus vivo Valerio et a Megalio primate 


Ille vero beatus senex Valerius ceteris ex hoc amplius ex- 
sultans, et Deo gratias agens de concesso sibi speciali beneficio, 

20 metuere coepit, ut est humanus animus, ne ab alia ecclesia 
sacerdote privata, ad episcopatum quaereretur, et sibi aufer- 
retur: nam et id provenisset, nisi hoc idem episcopus cognito, 
ad locum secretum eum transire curasset, atque occultatum a 
quaerentibus minime inveniri fecisset. Unde amplius formi- 

25 dans idem venerabilis senex, et sciens se corpore et aetate in- 

2 illic edd., ont. C 3 maiorem multitudinem edd. Q exhibet maiore 
multitudine 4 seducta pressa et oppressa CD*, seducta et oppressa 
K edd., et pressa eras. E. Q exhibet et pressa sive edd 8 adhibens 
CD*, adhibens etiam edd. Q exhibet adhibentes 9 descripsit CD* 
edd., descripserunt Q 11 diffusa et manifestata] ABCDFHJKQdg 
(manifesta cr), diffusus et manifestatus Eaehlopq edd. (manifestos 
fe), diffusus est et manifestus wi, diffusus est n 50, 12 ac sic.... 
II manifestata est om. J congaudentes A, congaudete B, congaudet J, 
congaudebat C id comperta] BCQbcegj, id comperto ADEFHK 
hkmopr (id om. rf), hoc comperto /, eo comperto n edd., id comper- 
tum Iq 12 sicut] +dum BCDEHJK edd 13 ita]+etiam edd 

22 nisi]-fet edd 


Catholic Church in Africa began to lift its head, having for 
a long time lain prostrate, seduced, oppressed and overpow- 
ered, while the heretics were gaining strength, especially the 
rebaptizing Donatist party which comprised a large multitude 
of the Africans. Even the heretics themselves gathered to- 
gether and with the Catholics listened most eagerly to these 
books and treatises which issued and flowed forth by the won- 
derful grace of God, filled with abundance of reason and the 
authority of Holy Scripture; each one also who would or 
could bringing reporters and taking down what was said. And 
thence throughout all Africa, the glorious doctrine and most 
sweet savor of Christ was spread abroad and made manifest, 
while the Church of God across the sea heard of it and also 
rejoiced. For as when one member suffers, all the members 
suffer with it, so when one member is honored, all the mem- 
bers rejoice with it. 


He is chosen bishop while Valerius is still living, and is or- 
dained by the primate Megalius 

But the blessed and aged Valerius rejoiced more than oth- 
ers on this account and gave thanks to God for the special 
blessing bestowed upon him. He began to fear, however, for 
such is human nature, that Augustine would be sought for the 
episcopal office and be taken from him by some other church 
which lacked a bishop. And this would have happened, had 
not the bishop himself, since he knew of it, taken care that he 
should remove to a secret place, and had thus hidden him so 
that he could not be found by those who sought him. But 
since the venerable old man still feared this and realized that 
he was aged and very infirm, he communicated by a secret let- 


firmissimum, egit secretis litteris apud primatem episcoporum 
Carthaginensem/ allegans imbecillitatem corporis sui aetatisque 
gravitatem, et obsecrans ut Hipponensi ecclesiae ordinaretur 
episcopus, quod suae cathedrae non tarn succederet, sed con- 
5 sacerdos accederet Augustinus. Et quae optavit et rogavit 
satagens rescripto impetravit. Et postea petito ad visitandum 
el adveniente ad ecclesiam Hipponensem tune primate Numi- 
diae Megalio Calamensi episcopo, 2 Valerio antistite, episcopis 
qui forte tune aderant, et clericis omnibus Hipponensibus, et 

10 universae plebi inopinatam cunctis suam insinuavit voluntatem: 
omnibusque audientibus gratulantibus, atque id fieri perficique 
ingenti desiderio clamantibus, episcopatum suscipere contra 
morem Ecclesiae 8 suo vivente episcopo presbyter recusabat. 
Dumque illi fieri solere ab omnibus suaderetur, atque id ignaro 

15 transmarinis et Africanis Ecclesiae exemplis provocaretur, 
compulsus atque coactus succubuit et maioris loci ordinationem 
suscepit. Quod in se postea fieri non debuisse, ut vivo episco- 
po suo ordinaretur, et dixit et scripsit, propter concilii uni- 
versalis vetitum, quod iam ordinatus edidicit: nee quod sibi 

20 factum esse doluit, aliis fieri voluit. 4 Unde etiam sategit, ut 
conciliis constitueretur episcoporum, 5 ab ordinatoribus debere 
ordinandis vel ordinatis omnium statuta sacerdotum in noti- 
tiam esse deferenda atque ita factum est. 

4 quo CD*EFJK edd., qui DH sed] quam CD* 8 episcopo]+ 
et edd Valerius antistes CD*EH edd. Q exhibet valeric antistite 
10 insinuante BJQ, insinuat CDEFHK, insinuat tune edd n audien- 
tibus]-|-et UK edd 15 probaretur BCD*EFHJK edd 16 succu- 
buit] -|-et episcopatus curam edd. Q om 17 Quod 60, 23 facie- 

bant om. J suo episcopo CDEFHK edd 19 didicit BCDFK edd 
20 sategit] DEFH edd., satis egit K, satagit ABC. satagit videtur 
scripsisse Possidius sicut testantur codd. ABC. Dubitanter sategit 
scvipsi codd. alias secutus 21 deberi E edd 23 atque.... est cum 
sententia sequenti edd 


ter with the Bishop of Carthage, the episcopal Primate, men- 
tioning the weakness of his body and the burden of his years, 
and beseeching that Augustine might be ordained bishop of the 
church of Hippo, because he would not in that case then suc- 
ceed to his office, but would be associated with him as coad- 
jutor-bishop. And what he thus sought and desired he ob- 
tained in a satisfactory answer. Later on, accordingly, when 
Megalius, Bishop of Calama, and at that time primate of 
Numidia, had come at his request to visit the church at Hippo, 
unexpectedly to all the bishop Valerius made his desire known 
to the bishops who happened at that time to be present, and 
to all the clergy of Hippo and to all the people. But while all 
who heard rejoiced and clamored most elageriy that this 
should be done and accomplished, the presbyter refused to 
accept the episcopate contrary to the custom of the Church, 
since his bishop was still living. However, when they had con- 
vinced him that this was generally done and had appealed to 
examples from the churches across the sea as well as in 
Africa, though he had been ignorant of it before, under com- 
pulsion and constraint he yielded and accepted the ordination 
to the higher office. Later he both said and wrote that this 
should not have been done in his case, namely to ordain him 
while his bishop was still living, because of the prohibition of 
the Ecumenical Council of which he learned after his ordi- 
nation ; for that which he regretted to have had done in his case 
he did not wish to have done to others. Therefore he en- 
deavored to have it decreed by the councils of the bishops 
that the rules governing all the priests should be made known 
by the ordaining bishops to those about to be ordained and 
to those already ordained. And so it was done. 


Pugnat cum Donatistis 

Et episcopus multo instantius ac ferventius maiore auctori- 
tate, non adhuc in una tantum regione, sed ubicunque rogatus 
5 venisset, verbum salutis aeternae alacriter ac gnaviter pullu- 
lante atque crescente Domini Ecclesia praedicabat, paratus 
semper poscentibus, reddere rationem de fide et spe, quae in 
Deum est. 1 Et eius dicta atque excepta, maxime Donatistae 2 
in eadem Hipponensi vel vicina manentes civitate, ad suos 

10 deferebant episcopos. Quae cum audissent et contra forte 
aliquid dicerent, aut a suis refellebantur, aut eadem responsa 
ad sanctum Augustinum deferebantur, eaque comperta pati- 
enter et leniter (et ut scriptum est, cum timore et tremore 
salutem hominum operabatur: 8 ostendens quam nihil refellere 

15 illi voluerint ac valuerint, quamque verum manifestumque sit, 
quod Ecclesiae Dei fides tenet ac didicit) et haec diebus ac 
noctibus ab eodem iugiter agebantur. Nam et epistolas pri- 
vatas ad quosque eiusdem erroris episcopos, eminentes scili- 
cet, et laicos dedit, ratione reddita admonens atque exhortans, 

20 ut vel ab ilia se pravitate corrigerent vel certe ad disputationem 
venirent. At illi causa diffidentiae ne quidem unquam rescri- 
bere voluerunt, sed irati furiosa loquebantur, atque seductorem 
et deceptorem animarum Augustinum esse, et privatim et 
publice conclamabant ; et ut lupum occidendum esse in defen- 

25 sionem gregis sui, dicebant et tractabant: omniaque peccata a 
Deo indubitanter esse credendum posse dimitti his, qui hoc 
facere ac perficere potuissent, nee Deum timebant, nee homini- 
bus erubescentes. Et ut eorum causae diffidentia cunctis in- 

3 ut CDEF edd., at H 6 praedicaret edd. Q exhibet praedicabat 
8 deo CHK 9 manente A 10 episcopos deferebant DEFHK, 
episcopos referebant D*, referebant episcopos C Quae. .. .comperta] 
quae vir beatus comperta CD* 12 ad] aut A eaque comperta] 
ABDEFHKQbcrghjlmnqr, et quae comperta p, quae comperta k, eoque 
comperto ae, eisque compertis o edd 13 ac leniter CDEFHK edd 
14 omnium FK edd. QL vel M exhibent hominum referre illi 
B DEFHK, auferre C, illi refellere edd 16 dicit BDEF, docet CH 
edd 18 et eminentes scilicet laicos edd. Q exhibet scilicet et 


He contends with the Donatists 

As bishop he preached the Word of eternal salvation much 
more earnestly and fervently and with greater authority, no 
longer in one district only, but wherever he went in answer to 
requests, ready always to give an answer to every man that 
asked of him a reason of the faith and hope which is toward 
God. And the Church of the Lord flourished and grew rapidly 
and strongly. The Donatists in particular, who lived in Hippo 
and the neighboring towns, brought his addresses and writings 
to their bishops. And if, when they had heard these, they 
perchance made any reply, they were either refuted by their 
own followers or else their replies were brought to the holy 
Augustine; and when he had reviewed them patiently and 
calmly (and, as it is written, he worked out the salvation of 
men with fear and trembling, showing how they would and 
could refute nothing and how true and manifest is that doc- 
trine which the Church of God holds and has understood) ; on 
these things he labored continually by day and by night. He 
even wrote private letters to prominent bishops of this error 
and to laymen, urging and exhorting them by the arguments 
which he offered that they should either abandon the error 
or at least enter into a discussion with him. In their distrust 
they were never willing even to answer him in writing, but 
in anger spoke furiously, privately and publicly declaring that 
Augustine was a seducer and deceiver of souls. They said 
and preached that the wolf must be killed in defence of their 
flock, and neither fearing God nor ashamed before men, they 
taught the people to believe that whoever should be able to do 
this would undoubtedly have all his sins forgiven of God. 
Meanwhile Augustine sought to make known to all their lack 

21 causae diffidentia EH Sal. Mi 23 atque deceptorem H, om. K, 
deceptoremque edd et privatim] et om. A 26 iis edd. Q exhibet 
his 27 ac perficere om. A timentes CDEFHK edd 28 rever- 
entes BQ causa diffidentiae BH 


notesceret elaboravit, et publicis gestis conventi, non sunt ausi 

Circumcellionum furor 

5 Habebant etiam iidem Donatistae per suas pene omnes ec- 
clesias inauditum hominum genus perversum ac violentum, 
velut sub professione continentium ambulantes, qui Circum- 
celliones 1 dicebantur. Et erant in ingenti numero et turbis per 
omnes fere Africanas regiones constituti. Qui malis imbuti 

10 doctoribus audacia superba et temeritate illicita, nee suis, nee 
alienis aliquando parcebant, contra ius fasque in causis inter- 
cedentes hominibus: et nisi obedissent, damnis gravissimis et 
caedibus afficiebantur, armati diversis telis, bacchantes per 
agros villasque usque ad sanguinis effusionem accedere non 

15 metuentes. Sed dum verbum Dei sedulo praedicaretur, et cum 
his qui oderant pacem, pacis ratio haberetur, illi loquentem 
debellabant gratis. Et cum adversus eorum dogma veritas 
innotesceret, qui volebant et poterant, sese inde vel eripiebant 
vel subducebant, et paci atque unitati Ecclesiae cum suis qui- 

20 bus poterant cohaerebant. Unde illi sui erroris minui congre- 
gationes videntes, atque augmentis Ecclesiae invidentes, ac- 
censi exardescebant ira gravissima, et intolerabiles persecu- 
tiones unitati Ecclesiae compactis faciebant : ipsisque Catholicis 
sacerdotibus et ministris aggressiones diurnas atque nocturnas, 

25 direptionesque rerum omnium inferebant. Nam et multos Dei 

7 circelliones ABQ 9 pene CDEFK edd. Q exhibet fere n in 
causis interdicentes Sal., incautis interdicentes Ben. Mi 13 affici- 
ebant Ben. Mi 16 loquentes CDEFHK 17 et quam A, et qua B, 
cumque edd 19 unitati] BCDEFHK edd., pax Ecclesiae atque unitas 
paulo post scribit Possidius in capitulo undecimo, sanitati A 20 con- 
gregationes minui edd 23 compacti B edd., cum pactis C facie- 
bant] incipit G 56, 17 Quod faciebant om, J sacerdotibus 

catholicis G edd., iustis catholicisque sacerdotibus H 


of confidence in their own cause, and when they met in public 
conferences they did not dare to debate with him. 

The madness of the Circumcellions 

These Donatists had in nearly all their churches an unusual 
kind of men, perverse and violent, going about under a pro- 
fession of continency, who were called Circumcellions. They 
were very numerous and formed themselves into bands 
throughout almost all the regions of Africa. Inspired by evil 
teachers, in their insolent boldness and lawless temerity they 
never spared either their own or strangers, and in violation of 
right and justice deprived men of their civil rights ; and un- 
less men obeyed, they were visited with the severest losses and 
injuries, when armed with every kind of weapon, the Circum- 
cellions madly overran the farms and estates and did not even 
hesitate to shed human blood. But while the Word of God 
was diligently preached, whenever any plan of peace was sug- 
gested to those who hated peace, they freely assailed whoever 
talked of it. And when, despite their teachings, the truth be- 
came known, those who would and could do so either openly 
tore themselves away from them or secretly withdrew and to- 
gether with as many of their friends as they could obtain, ad- 
hered to the peace and unity of the Church. As a result, see- 
ing that the congregations of their error were growing smaller, 
and being envious of the growth of the Church, these heretics 
were inflamed and burned with fiercest wrath and with the 
help of their confederates began intolerable persecutions 
against the unity of the Church. They made daily and nightly 
attacks even upon the Catholic priests and ministers and 
robbed them of all their possessions; and they crippled many 


servos caedibus debilitaverunt. Aliquibus etiam calcem cum 
aceto in oculos miserunt, 2 aliosque occiderunt. Unde etiam 
suis iidem Donatistae rebaptizatores in odium veniebant. 

5 Profectus Ecclesiae per Augustinum 

Proficiente porro doctrina divina, sub sancto et cum sancto 
Augustino in monasterio Deo servientes, ecclesiae Hipponensi 
clerici ordinari coeperunt. Ac deinde innotescente et clares- 
cente de die in diem Ecclesiae Catholicae praedicationis veri- 

10 tate, sanctorumque servorum Dei proposito, continentia et 
paupertate profunda, ex monasterio quod per ilium memora- 
bilem virum et esse et crescere coeperat, magno desiderio pos- 
cere atque accipere episcopos et clericos pax Ecclesiae atque 
unitas et coepit primo, et postea consecuta est. Nam ferme 

15 decem 1 erant quos ipse nobis sanctos ac venerabiles viros con- 
tinentes et doctos beatissimus Augustinus diversis ecclesiis, 
nonnullis quoque eminentioribus, rogatus dedit. Similiterque 
et ipsi ex illo sanctorum proposito venientes, Domini ecclesiis 
propagatis, et monasteria instituerunt, et studio crescente aedi- 

20 ficationis verbi Dei, ceteris ecclesiis promotes fratres ad sus- 
cipiendum sacerdotium praestiterunt. Unde per multos et in 
multis salubris fidei, spei et caritatis Ecclesiae innotescente 
doctrina, non solum per omnes Africae partes, verum etiam in 
transmarinis, et libros editos atque in Graecum sermonem 

25 translates, 2 ab illo uno homine et per ilium multis, favente Deo, 

6 proficientes BH 7 servientes] -f-et BH 9 ecclesia catholica P 
10 continentiae CFG, continente paupertatem profundam P 12 coe- 
perit A 14 consequenda est A 15 erant om. BCDEFGHJK edd 
quos] episcopos CD* nobis] novi BGHK edd., novus (?) eras. D 

16 doctissimos CDEF edd beatus CDF edd continentes augus- 

tinus om. HK 18 illorum CDEFK Ben. Mi. Q exhibet illo 24 per 
libros edd 25 multos BDGHK, a multis CF 


of the servants of God by tortures. They also threw lime 
mixed with vinegar in the eyes of some and others they 
murdered. Wherefore these rebaptizing Donatists came to 
be hated even by their own. 

Progress of the Church through Augustine 

Now as the divine teachings prospered, the clergy in the 
church at Hippo who had served God under and with the 
holy Augustine in the monastery began to be ordained. And 
the truth taught by the Catholic Church, the manner of life 
of the holy servants of God, their continence and abject pov- 
erty became more known and celebrated day by day. Then 
the Church, for the sake of its peace and unity, first began to 
demand with great eagerness bishops and clergy from the 
monastery which had begun to exist and grow through the 
efforts of that memorable man, and later obtained them. And 
there were about ten men, holy and venerable, continent and 
learned, whom the most blessed Augustine furnished in an- 
swer to our request to various churches, some of them quite 
prominent. And likewise these too who came from that fel- 
lowship of holy men increased the churches of the Lord, and 
also established monasteries, and as their zeal for the spread- 
ing of the Word of God grew, they furnished other churches 
with their brethren whom they promoted to the priesthood.^ 
Therefore the teaching of the salutary faith, hope and love of 
the Church became known through many and to many, not 
only throughout all parts of Africa, but even in the churches 
across the sea, through the books which were edited and 
translated into the Greek tongue. Thus by that one man, and 
through him to many, by the grace of God it was all brought 


cuncta innotescere meruerunt. Atque hinc, ut scriptum est, 
peccator videns irascebatur, dentibus suis fremebat, et tabesce- 
bat : 3 servi autem tui, ut dictum est, cum his qui oderant pacem, 
erant pacifici, et cum loquerentur, debellabantur gratis ab eis. 4 


Augustinus paratas sibi insidias errore duc[a]toris devitat 

Aliquotiens vero etiam vias armati iidem Circumcelliones 
famulo Dei Augustino obsederunt, dum forte iret rogatus ad 
visitandas, instruendas et exhortandas Catholicas plebes, quod 

10 ipsum frequentissime faciebat. Et aliquando contigit ut illi 
succenturiati 1 hactenus perderent captionem: evenit enim Dei 
quidem providentia, sed ducatoris 2 hominis errore, ut per aliam 
viam cum suis comitibus sacerdos quo tendebat venisset, atque 
per hunc postea cognovit errorem manus impias abisse, 3 et 

1 5 cum omnibus liberatori Deo gratias egit. Et omnino suo more 
illi nee laicis nee clericis pepercerunt, sicut publica contestantur 

Inter ea silendum non est quod ad laudem Dei per illius tarn 
egregii in Ecclesia viri studium domusque Dei zelum 4 adversus 

20 praedictos rebaptizatores Donatistas gestum et perfectum est. 
Cum forte unus ex his, 5 quos de suo monasterio et clero 8 epis- 
copos Ecclesiae propagaverat, ad suam curam pertinentem 
Calamensis ecclesiae dioecesim visitaret, et quae didicerat 
pro pace Ecclesiae contra illam haeresim praedicaret, factum 

25 est, ut medio itinere eorum insidias incurrisset, et pervasum 

2 multa CDHK edd., multam F, cunctos B 2 frendebat GffK edd. 
Q exhibet fremebat 3 tui] dei CEF edd. Q exhibet tui iis edd 
8 contra famulum dei augustinum CDEJ edd. (augustino F). Q ex- 
hibet famulo dei augustino 9 id ipsum H, ipsud K, etiam BG, ipse 
CDEFJ edd 12 seductoris BCDFK, sed ductoris Sal 14 hunc]+ 
quem DEFGHJK edd abisse] evenisse B, evasisse C, evasisset 
DEFGHJK edd 15 cum] -fin B edd egisset BDEFGHJK edd., 
egisse C et omnino] sed C, et om. 7 edd 16 illi]-f furentes C 

Sal 1 8 Inter ea 72, 10 proposueram om. HK, Inter ea 84, 2 

veritate om. J 21 iis edd 


to public knowledge. And so, as it is written, the wicked man 
saw it and was grieved ; he gnashed with his teeth and melted 
away. But Thy servants, as it is said, were for peace with 
those who hated peace and whenever they spoke they were 
willingly overcome by them. 


By the error of his guide Augustine escapes an ambuscade 

laid for him 

But several times these Circumcellions, fully armed, beset 
the roads even against Augustine, the servant of God, when, as 
it chanced, he went on request to visit, instruct and exhort 
the Catholic people, as he frequently did. Now it once hap- 
pened that although they were out in full force, they yet failed 
to capture him. For through the error of his guide and yet, 
in fact, by the providence of God, it happened that the bishop 
with his companions came to his destination by a different road, 
and he learned later that through this error he had escaped 
their impious hands, and together with all he gave thanks to 
God, the Deliverer. And they, according to their custom, 
spared neither laymen nor clergy, as the public records witness. 

In this connection we must not pass over in silence the 
things which were done and accomplished to the glory of God 
by the ardor of that man, so distinguished in the Church, and 
in his zeal for the house of God, against the rebaptizing Do- 
natists mentioned above. When, on one occasion, one of the 
bishops he had furnished to the Church from his monastery 
and clergy visited the diocese of the church of Calama which 
was under his care and, for the peace of the Church, had 
preached against the heresy such things as he had learned, it 
happened that in the midst of his journey he fell into their 


cum omnibus illi comitantibus, sublatis illis animalibus et rebus, 
iniuriis et caede eum gravissima affecissent. De qua re ne 
pacis amplius Ecclesiae provectus impediretur, defensor Ec- 
clesiae inter leges non siluit. 7 Et praeceptus est Crispinus, 8 
5 qui hisdem Donatistis in Calamensi civitate et regione episco- 
pus fuit, praedicatus scilicet multi temporis et doctus, ad 
mulctam teneri aurariam publicis legibus contra haereticos con- 
stitutam. Qui resultans legibus praesentatus cum apud pro- 
consulem se negaret haereticum, oborta est necessitas, ut illi 

10 recedente Ecclesiae defensore, 9 a Catholico episcopo resistere- 
tur et convinceretur eum esse, quod se f uisse negaverat ; quon- 
iam si ab eodem dissimularetur, forte Catholicus episcopus ab 
ignorantibus haereticus crederetur, illo se quod erat negante, 
atque ita ex hac desidia infirmis scandalum nasceretur. 10 Et 

15 memorabili Augustino antistite omnimodis instante, ad contro- 
versiam ambo illi Calamenses episcopi venerunt, et de ipsa 
diversa communione tertio conflictum 11 secum egerunt, magna 
populorum Christianorum multitudine causae exitum et apud 
Carthaginem et per totam Africam exspectante, atque ille est 

20 Crispinus proconsulari et libellari 12 sententia pronunciatus 
haereticus. Pro quo ille apud cognitorem Catholicus episcopus 
intercessit, ne auraria mulcta 13 exigeretur, et ei est beneficium 
impetratum. Unde cum ingratus ad piissimum principem 
provocasset, ab imperatore relatione debitum est responsum 

25 solutum, et consequenter praeceptum, nullo prorsus loco haere- 
ticos Donatistas esse debere, et eos ad vim legum omnium 
contra haereticos latarum ubique teneri debere. Ex quo et 

i illis om. BG edd 3 profectus CG, ecclesiae amplius impediretur 
profectus edd 5 hisdem E, ab hisdem C, isdem DG, ab isdem D*, 
isdem donatista B, eisdem edd 6 praedicator BQ scilicet] -j-et 
BCDEFG edd edoctus BCD* 7 multum. . . .aurarium A, multam 
DP 19 ille est Crispinus] ABDEFGbcdfghjkmnop, est tr. post pro- 
nunciatus Clq, ante pronunciatus edd., est om. er 20 libellari] ADE 
Fefhjno edd., liberali BCGbcdgklmpq, proconsularis et libellaris sen- 
tentiam r 22 intellexit A multa ADEFG 24 et ab DEF edd 
relation! DEFG edd., et imperatorem relatione B 25 consequenter] 
ABDEFbdefghjkmnpr, -\-est C, consecutum G, consecutum est edd., 
et consequens preceptum o, solitum et consequentem preceptum c, ex 
consequent! precepto Iq 


ambuscade, and although he escaped with all his companions, 
the animals and baggage were taken from them and they left 
him grievously injured and wounded. Wherefore, in order 
that the progress of the peace of the Church might not be 
further hindered, the defender of the Church was not silent 
before the law. And Crispinus, who was bishop of the Do- 
natists in the city and region of Calama, for some time well 
known and also a learned man, was admonished that he was 
liable to the fine of gold fixed by the civil laws against heretics. 
When he protested against the laws and was brought before 
the proconsul, he denied that he was a heretic. Then it be- 
came necessary, when the defender of the Church withdrew, 
that he should be opposed by a Catholic bishop and be con- 
victed of being what he denied he was; for if he had suc- 
ceeded in his dissimulation, the ignorant perhaps would have 
believed that the heretic was a Catholic bishop, since he de- 
nied being what he was, and so a stumbling-block might have 
been placed in the way of the weak because of this neglect. 
And since the illustrious Bishop Augustine firmly insisted on 
it, both the bishops of Calama met for discussion and for the 
third time they met in conflict concerning their different com- 
munions, while a great multitude of Christians at Carthage 
and throughout all Africa awaited the result of the case; and 
Crispinus was pronounced a heretic by proconsular and libel- 
lary sentence. But the Catholic bishop interceded with the 
judge in his behalf that the fine of gold should not be exacted, 
and the favor was obtained for him. But when he ungrate- 
fully appealed to the most clement Prince, a final answer from 
the Emperor was due to his appeal, and accordingly the order 
was issued that the Donatist heretics should have no rights 
in any place and that they should everywhere be held to the 
full force of all the laws enacted against heretics. By this 


iudex et officium, 14 et idem Crispinus quod minime fuerit ex- 
actus, praecepti sunt denas auri libras fisci iuribus inferre. 
Sed protinus opera data est per Catholicos episcopos, prae- 
cipue per sanctae memoriae Augustinum, ut ilia omnium con- 
5 demnatio principis dimitteretur indulgentia. Et Domino adiu- 
vante perfectum est. Qua diligentia et sancto studio multum 
crevit Ecclesia. 

Pax Ecclesiae per Augustinum 

IO Et de his omnibus pro pace Ecclesiae gestis, Augustino 
Dominus et hie palmam dedit, et apud se iustitiae coronam 1 
servavit: ac magis magisque, iuvante Christo, de die in diem 
augebatur et multiplicabatur 2 pacis unitas, Ecclesiae Dei fra- 
ternitas. Et id maxime factum est post collationem, quae ab 

15 universis episcopis Catholicis apud Carthaginem cum eisdem 
Donatistarum episcopis postmodum facta est, id iubente glori- 
osissimo et religiosissimo Imperatore Honorio, 3 propter quod 
perficiendum etiam a suo latere tribunum et notarium Mar- 
cellinum 4 ad Africam iudicem miserat. In qua controversia 

2O illi omnimodis confutati, atque de errore a Catholicis convicti, 
sententia cognitoris notati sunt, et post eorum appellationem 
piissimi regis responso iniusti inter haereticos condemnati 
sunt. Ex qua ratione solito amplius eorum episcopi cum suis 
clericis et plebibus communicaverunt, et pacem tenentes Catho- 

25 licam, multas eorum persecutiones usque ad membrorum am- 
putationem et internecionem pertulerunt. Et totum illud bo- 

4 commendatio A 12 reservavit CDEF edd 13 unitas]-|-et 
DE*G edd ecclesiae dei fraternitas om. C 16 id iuvante DG, iu- 
vante CD* 18 etiam om. BQ 19 ad] in Sal 22 iuste edd. Q 
exhibet iniusti 23 episcopi cum] episcopum A 


order also, the judge and the officers of his court and Crispi- 
nus himself, though he had not previously been compelled 
to pay, were all enjoined to pay ten pounds of gold to the 
credit of the treasury. Immediately every effort was made by 
the Catholic bishops, and especially by Augustine of holy 
memory, that this condemnation of all should be withdrawn 
through the indulgence of the Emperor. With the aid of the 
Lord this was accomplished. Through this vigilance and holy 
zeal the Church increased greatly. 

Peace of the Church through Augustine 

For all these labors for the peace of the Church the Lord 
gave the palm to Augustine in this life and reserved with Him- 
self the crown of righteousness for him. And more and more 
by the aid of Christ, the unity of peace, that is, the fraternity 
of the Church of God, grew and multiplied from day to day. 
This was especially advanced after the conference which was 
held a little later at Carthage by all the Catholic bishops with 
these same bishops of the Donatists at the command of the 
most glorious and devout Emperor Honorius, who, in order 
to bring this about, had sent the tribune and notary Marcel- 
linus from his own court to Africa as judge. In this confer- 
ence they were completely silenced, and being convicted of 
error by the Catholics, were reprimanded by sentence of the 
judge. After their appeal these unrighteous men were con- 
demned as heretics by the rescript of the most pious Ruler. 
For this reason their bishops, more than before, together with 
their clergy and people, enjoyed our communion, maintained 
the Catholic peace and endured many persecutions even to the 
loss of life and limb. And this good was begun and com- 


num, ut dixi, per sanctum ilium hominem consentientibus nos- 
tris coepiscopis et pariter satagentibus, et coeptum et perfec- 
tum est. 

5 Emeritus episcopus Donatista superatus 

Porro autem quoniam post illam quae cum Donatistis facta 
est collationem, non defuerunt qui dicerent 1 permissos non 
fuisse eosdem episcopos apud potestatem, quae causam audivit, 
dicere omnia pro suis partibus, quoniam Catholicae communi- 

10 onis cognitor suae favebat Ecclesiae: licet hoc deficientes et 
victi ad excusationem iactarent, quandoquidem et ante con- 
troversiam iidem haeretici Catholicae communionis eundem 
esse noverant, et dum ab eodem convenirentur publicis gestis, 
quo ad emulationem occurrerent, et se facturos prosecuti sunt. 

15 Poterant utique suspectum eum habentes, recusare congressum. 
Tamen omnipotentis Dei praestitit auxilium, ut postea in Cae- 
sariensi Mauritaniae civitate constitutus 2 venerabilis memoriae 
Augustinus, quo eum venire cum aliis eius coepiscopis sedis 
apostolicae litterae compulerunt, ob terminandas videlicet alias 

20 Ecclesiae necessitates: hac ergo occasione provenit, ut Emeri- 
tum 8 eiusdem loci Donatistarum episcopum, quern suae sectae 
praecipuum in ilia collatione habuerunt defensorem, videret et 
cum eodem publice in ecclesia populo astante diversae com- 
munionis ex hoc ipso disputaret et provocaret gestis ecclesias- 

25 ticis : ut quod forte, sicut dicebant, prosequi potuit in collatione, 
et permissus non erat, in praesenti sine alicuius potestatis pro- 
hibitione aut impotentia, securus dicere minime dubitaret: et 
in sua civitate suis omnibus praesentibus civibus fiducialiter 

i nostris om. BQ quo episcopis E, episcopis CDFG edd 7 col- 
latio G edd., consolationem F, ccmsolatio B 13 cum edd. Q exhibet 
dum convincerentur BCD* 14 quod ad collationem CDEFG edd., 
quae ad collationem B et se]+esse CDF, et esse E, et G, se esse 
edd 15 congressu A 19 compulerant edd. Q exhibet compulerunt 
26 sed edd. Q exhibet et 27 potentia BCDEFG edd 


pleted, as I said, by that holy man, while our fellow-bishops 
consented and were equally pleased. 

Emeritus, a Donatist bishop, overcome 

Yet after the conference which was held with the Donatists, 
there were not lacking those who declared that these bishops 
had not been permitted to speak fully and freely for their 
sect before the magistrate who heard the case, since the judge, 
who was of Catholic communion, favored his own Church. 
But is was only after they had failed and were defeated that 
they offered this excuse, since these heretics knew before the 
discussion was held that he was of the Catholic communion, 
and when they were summoned by him to the public debate 
for the purpose of discussion, they agreed to do it. Surely, if 
they had held him under suspicion, they could have refused to 
attend. Nevertheless the help of Almighty God revealed it- 
self, for Augustine of venerable memory stopped a while later 
in the city of Caesarea in Mauretania to which letters from the 
Apostolic See constrained him to go with others of his fellow- 
bishops, evidently for the purpose of settling further difficulties 
of the Church. Thus it happened on this occasion that he met 
Emeritus, the Donatist bishop of that place, whom they re- 
garded as the chief defender of their sect at the conference, 
and held a discussion with him publicly in the church, while 
the people of the different communions were present. He 
challenged them by the ecclesiastical records in order that 
whatever perchance, as they said, Emeritus might have been 
able to offer in the conference and had not been permitted to 
offer, he might now not hesitate to say with security and without 
the interference or violence of any magistrate, and should not 
refuse to defend his own communion with all confidence in his 


propriam defendere communionem non denegasset. Ille nee 
hac hortatione, nee suorum parentum et civium instanti peti- 
tione id facere voluit, qui ei pollicebantur se ad eius redituros 
communionem, etiam cum discrimine patrimoniorum salutis- 
5 que suae temporalis, si modo Catholicam superaret assertionem. 
At ille amplius dicere illis gestis nihil voluit, nee valuit, nisi 
tantum: "lam ilia gesta continent, quae apud Carthaginem 
inter episcopos sunt confecta, utrum vicerimus an victi fueri- 
mus." 4 Et alio loco dum a notario ut responderet admonere- 

10 tur, ait, et cum reticeret, 5 factaque eius cunctis manifestata 
diffidentia, Ecclesiae Dei augmenta ac firmamenta provenerunt. 
Quisquis ergo diligentiam et operam beatissimae memoriae 
Augustini pro Ecclesiae Dei statu cognoscere plenius voluerit, 
etiam ilia percurrat gesta: et inveniet quae vel qualia protul- 

15 erit, quibus ilium doctum, eloquentem, et praedicatum homi- 
nem provocarit hortatusque fuerit, ut pro suae defensione 
partis quod vellet ediceret, illumque victum cognoscet. 


Digressione concionantis conversus negotiator 
20 nomine Firmus 

Scio item non solus ipse, verum etiam alii fratres et con- 
servi, qui nobiscum tune intra Hipponensem ecclesiam cum 
eodem sancto viro vivebant, nobis ad mensam constitutis eum 
dixisse: "Advertistis hodie in ecclesia meum sermonem, eius- 
25 que initium et finem contra meam consuetudinem processisse, 
quoniam non earn rem terminatam explicuerim quam propo- 

i denegaret edd. Q exhibet denegasset neque CDEF edd. 2 
oratione BDQ 7 iam illa]-f-inquit edd quae om. BCDEFG edd 
8 sunt om. BCDEFG edd 9 dum a notario ut responderet admoner- 
etur, ait, et cum reticeret, factaque eius cunctis] DEbgnp, respondere 
h, admoneretur ut responderet m, admonetur c, nihil ait B, tacuit C, 
dum Fk, facta AGe, facta qua eis r, manifesta Ce, et reticeret facta 
eius cunctis o, dum a notario alio ut responderet admoneretur et cum 
reticeret eius cunctis manifestata est diffidentia d, admoneretur omnino 
reticuit sic eius cunctis /;, alio loco cum reticeret et dum a notario 
ut responderet admoneretur ait Fac. Qua eius cunctis Iq, admoneretur 


own city and in the presence of all his fellow-townsmen. Not- 
withstanding this encouragement and the urgent entreaty of his 
parents and townsmen, he was not willing to do so, although 
they promised him that they would return to his communion 
even at the risk of their property and temporal welfare, if 
only he would overthrow the Catholic argument. But he was 
neither willing nor able to add anything more to these records 
except only to say : "Those records of what was done by the 
bishops at Carthage contain the proof of whether we were 
victors or vanquished." At another time, when urged by a 
reporter to answer, he spoke, and then when he was silent his 
position became evident to all through his embarrassment, 
while the growing strength of the Church of God was revealed. 
Whoever, therefore, wishes to learn more about the diligence 
and labor of Augustine, of most blessed memory, for the wel- 
fare of the Church of God, let him run through these records. 
He will find what sort of arguments he produced to provoke 
and persuade that learned, eloquent and illustrious man to state 
whatever he wished in defence of his sect; and he will learn 
that Emeritus was defeated. 


A merchant, Firmus by name, converted by a digression in 
Augustine's sermon 

I know also, and not I only but also my brethren and fel- 
low-servants who were at that time living together with the 
holy man in the church at Hippo, that when we were seated 
at the table he said: "Did you take notice of my sermon in 
the church to-day, that both the beginning and end worked 
out contrary to my usual custom ? For I did not explain to its 
conclusion the subject which I had propounded but left it in 

et reticeret, eius cunctis manifestata edd 23 bibebant A nobis] 
-[-pariter CG edd., nobiscum DBF 26 explicui BCDEF 


sueram, sed pendentem reliquerim." Cui respondimus: "Ita 
nos in tempore miratos fuisse scimus et recognoscimus." At 
ille: "Credo, ait, forte aliquem errantem in populo Dominus 
per nostram oblivionem et errorem doceri et curari voluerit: 1 
5 in cuius manu sumus et nos et sermones nostri. Nam cum 
propositae quaestionis latera pertractarem, in aliud sermonis 
excursu perrexi, atque ita non clausa vel explicata quaestione, 
disputationem terminavi magis adversus Manichaeorum er- 
rorem, unde nihil dicere decreveram disputans, quam de his 

10 quae asserere proposueram." Et post haec, nisi fallor, ecce 
alia die vel post biduum venit quidam Firmus 2 nomine, nego- 
tiator, et intra monasterium sedenti sancto Augustino nobis 
coram, ad pedes genibus provolutus sese iactavit lacrimas 
fundens, et rogans ut pro suis delictis sacerdos cum sanctis 

15 Dominum precaretur, confitens quod Manichaeorum sectam 
secutus fuisset, et in ea quamplurimis annis vixisset, et pro- 
pterea pecuniam multam ipsis Manichaeis vel eis, quos dicunt 
electos, incassum erogasset: ac se in ecclesia Dei misericordia 
fuisse eius tractatibus nuper correctum atque Catholicum 

20 factum. Quod et ipse venerabilis Augustinus, et nos qui tune 
aderamus, ab eodem diligenter inquirentes ex qua re potissi- 
mum illo tractatu sibi fuerit satisfactum, et referente nobisque 
omnibus sermonis seriem recognoscentibus, profundum consil- 
ium Dei pro salute animarum admirantes et stupentes, glori- 

25 ficavimus sanctum eius nomen et benediximus : 3 qui cum volue- 
rit, et unde voluerit, et quomodo voluerit, et per scientes et 
per nescientes salutem operatur animarum. 4 Et ex eo ille 

3 credo ait forte] ABCDEFGQbcefghjhnnopqr, ait aliquem dk, ait 
quod forte edd 5 sunt BCDEFG edd 6 latera] ABCDEFGQ 
bcdefgjklmnopqr, latebras edd 7 conclusa BCDEFG edd 8 ad- 
versum G edd 9 us edd 64, 18 Inter proposueram om. 
HK 12 sedente B edd 13 pedes]-feius CE edd 15 deprecaretur 
K edd 22 in illo D* edd., in illo potissimum tractatu C eo refer- 
ente B, referente illo CH, referente eo edd 


suspense." To which we replied, "Yes, we know it and re- 
member that we wondered at it at the time." Then he said, 
"I suppose that perhaps the Lord wished some wanderer 
among the people to be taught and healed by our forgetfulness 
and error; for in His hands are we and all our utterances. 
For while I was investigating the margins of the question pro- 
posed, by a digression of speech I passed over to something 
else and so, without finishing or explaining the question, I 
ended my discourse by attacking the error of the Manichaeans, 
about which I had intended to say nothing in my discussion, 
rather than by speaking about those things which I had in- 
tended to explain." And after this, unless I am mistaken, lo, 
on the next day or the day after, there came a certain mer- 
chant, Firmus by name, to the holy Augustine, who was seated 
in the monastery, and in our presence fell down on his knees 
and prostrated himself at his feet, shedding tears and asking 
that the priest and his holy companions intercede with the 
Lord for his sins. For he confessed that he had followed the 
sect of the Manichaeans, had lived in it for many years and 
so had paid out much money in vain to the Manichaeans, or 
rather to those whom they call the Elect; but recently by the 
mercy of God he had been in the church and was converted 
and made a Catholic by Augustine's sermons. And when the 
venerable Augustine and we who were with him at the time 
inquired diligently of the man by what thing in the sermon he 
had been especially satisfied, he told us and we all recalled the 
course of the sermon. Wondering and marvelling at the pro- 
found plan of God for the salvation of souls, we glorified and 
blessed His holy Name; for when He wishes and by whom 
He wishes and in whatever way He wishes, by those who know 
and those who do not know, He works the salvation of souls. 
And from that time on this man held fast to the manner of 


homo proposito servorum Dei adhaerens, negotiations dimisit 
actionem, et proficiens in Ecclesiae membris, in alia regione 
ad presbyterii quoque Dei voluntate petitus et coactus accessit 
officium, tenens atque custodiens propositi sanctitatem: et 
5 forte adhuc usque in rebus humanis vivat trans mare consti- 

Manichaeorum exsecrandae turpitudines detectae 

Apud Carthaginem quoque, dum per quendam domus regiae 

IO procuratorem nomine Ursum, 1 fidei Catholicae hominem, ad 
quosdam Manichaeorum, quos electos vel electas dicunt, prae- 
sentes perveniretur, atque ad ecclesiam ab eodem deducerentur 
et perducerentur ab episcopis, ad tabulas 2 auditi sunt. Inter 
quos etiam sanctae memoriae Augustinus fuit, qui prae ceteris 

15 illam exsecrabilem sectam noverat, et eorum prodens eiusmodi 
damnabiles blasphemias ex locis librorum, quos illi accipiunt 
Manichaei, usque ad confessionem earundem blasphemiarum 
eos perduxit: et quae illi suo maiore malo indigna et turpia 
facere consueverunt, feminarum illarum velut electarum pro- 

20 ditione, illis ecclesiasticis gestis declaratum est. Atque ita 

pastorum diligentia dominico gregi et augmentum accessit, et 

adversus fures atque latrones defensio competens procurata est. 

Cum quodam etiam Felice 3 de numero eorum quos electos 

dicunt Manichaei, publice in Hipponensi ecclesia notariis ex- 

25 cipientibus disputavit populo astante: et post secundam vel 
tertiam collationem ille Manichaeus frustrata 4 vanitate et er- 

5 vivit BGHK edd., vitat DF, victitat CD* 9 Apud 88, 14 

feceram om. HK 15 illam om. BQ 18 quae] -{-inter se BCDEFG 
edd maiore] more BCEFG edd., mere D 


life of the servants of God, gave up his business as merchant 
and progressing among the members of the church, by the will 
of God he was called and constrained in another region to 
enter the office of presbyter, wherein he maintained and perse- 
vered in his sanctity of life. And perhaps he is still in active 
life across the sea. 


The accursed and shameful practices of the Manichaeans 
laid bare 

At Carthage also when a certain procurator of the royal 
house, Ursus by name, and a man of the Catholic faith, had 
come into an assembly of certain Manichaeans whom they call 
Elect, both men and women, and when they had been led away 
by him to the church and were examined by the bishops, they 
were given a hearing with formal record. Among these bishops 
was also Augustine, of holy memory, who knew the accursed 
sect better than the others did, and. by disclosing their damnable 
blasphemies from places in the books which the Manichaeans 
accept he even brought them to a confession of the same. The 
base and unworthy things they practiced to their own great 
harm are revealed in the ecclesiastical records through the 
disclosures of those women Elect indeed. And so by the 
watchfulness of the shepherds an increase was made in the 
Lord's flock and strong defence was maintained against the 
thieves and robbers. 

With a certain Felix, also a member of those whom the 
Manichaeans call Elect, Augustine argued in public in the 
church at Hippo while the people were present and the re- 
porters took down the record. After the second or third meet- 
ing the emptiness and error of the sect were exposed and that 


rore ipsius sectae, ad nostram conversus est fidem atque Ec- 
clesiam, sicut eadem relecta docere poterit scriptura. 5 

Pascentius comes Arianus in collatione revincitur 

5 Praeterea cum quodam etiam Pascentio 1 comite domus regiae 
Ariano, 2 qui per auctoritatem suae personae fisci vehementis- 
simus exactor, fidem Catholicam atrociter ac iugiter oppugna- 
bat, et quamplurimos sacerdotes Dei simpliciores fide viventes, 
dicacitate et potestate exagitabat et perturbabat, interpositis 

10 honoratis et nobilibus viris, apud Carthaginem ab illo provo- 
catus, coram contulit. Sed idem haereticus tabulas atque 
stilum, quod magister noster et ante congressum, et in con- 
gressu instantissime fieri volebat, ne adessent omni modo re- 
cusavit. Et dum id pernegasset, dicens quod legum metu pub- 

15 licarum periclitari talibus scriptis nollet, atque interpositis 
adplicaret, et Augustinus episcopus, cum suis qui aderant con- 
sacerdotibus videretur ut absque ilia scriptura privatim dis- 
putarent, collationem suscepit: praedicens, ut postmodum 
contigit, quod post solutum conventum esse cuiquam posset 

20 liberum forte dicere, nullo scripturae documento, se dixisse 
quod forte non dixerit, vel non dixisse quod dixerit. Et mis- 
cuit cum eodem sermonem, atque asseruit quid crederet, et ab 
illo teneret, audivit, et vera ratione atque auctoritate Scriptura- 
rum prolata docuit et ostendit nostrae fidei firmamenta: illius 

25 autem asserta nulla veritate, nulla Scripturarum sanctarum 
auctoritate suffulta docuit et frustravit. Et ut a se invicem 

8 simpliciore BEFG, simpliciori CD* edd 9 ac potestate edd 
12 quas BQ, quo C magis noster LM 13 recusabat BF* edd., recu- 
sabit F 14 metu/ legum D, metuum legum F, metu legum edd 15 
tabulis CDF edd 16 adplicare B, id placere CDEFG edd et om. 
BCDEFG edd 17 videret EFG edd ulla CDEFG edd 24 pro- 
bata edd. Q exhibet prolata 


Manichaean was converted to our faith and Church, as these 
writings will show if they are consulted. 

Pascentius, an Arian Count, is refuted in public debate 

Moreover there was also a certain Pascentius, a Count of 
the royal house and an Arian, who was a most energetic col- 
lector of the taxes. By reason of the authority of his posi- 
tion he attacked the Catholic faith violently and persistently 
and by his raillery and power tormented and annoyed many 
of the more simple priests of God who were living by faith. 
Challenged by him, Augustine met him at Carthage in the 
presence of honored and notable men. The heretic utterly re- 
fused to have tablets and a pen at hand, as our teacher, both 
before and in the meeting, urgently insisted should be done. 
And since he refused this, saying that he was unwilling through 
fear of the public laws to be exposed to danger by such rec- 
ords, and appealed to the bystanders, the Bishop Augustine 
took up the discussion, because it seemed best to his fellow- 
bishops who were present that they should debate in private 
and without written records. He prophesied, however, as af- 
terwards happened, that since there was no record in writing, 
after the conclusion of the conference anyone who wished 
could freely say that he had said what perchance he had not 
said or had not said what he had said. Augustine then joined 
in debate with him, and after stating what he believed and 
hearing from him what he held, by true reasoning and by 
producing the authority of the Scriptures he explained and 
proved the foundations of our faith. And the statements of 
Pascentius, being supported neither by truth nor by the author- 
ity of the Holy Scriptures, were explained and refuted. And 


partes digressae sunt, ille magis magisque iratus et furens, 
mendacia multa pro sua falsa fide iactabat, victum esse a 
seipso proclamans, multorum ore laudatum Augustinum. Quae 
cum minime laterent, coactus est ad ipsum scribere Pascen- 
5 tium, propter illius metum omissis nominibus conferentium, 
et in eis litteris quidquid inter partes dictum vel gestum fuerat 
fideliter intimavit, ad ea si negarentur probanda magnam tes- 
tium habens copiam, clarissimos scilicet atque honorabiles, qui 
tune aderant, viros. Atque ille ad duo sibi directa scripta, 

10 unum vix reddidit rescriptum, in quo magis iniuriam facere, 
quam suae sectae rationem valuit declarare. Quod volentibus 
et valentibus legere comprobatur. 

Cum ipsorum quoque Arianorum episcopo quodam Maxi- 
mino 8 cum Gothis ad Africam veniente, apud Hipponem quam 

15 pluribus volentibus, petentibus et praeclaris interpositis viris 
contulit, et quid singulae asseruerint partes, scriptum est. 4 
Quae si studiosi diligenter legere curaverint, procul dubio in- 
dagabunt, vel quid callida et irrationabilis haeresis ad seducen- 
dum et decipiendum profiteatur vel quid Ecclesia Catholica de 

20 divina teneat et praedicet Trinitate. Sed quoniam ille haere- 
ticus de Hippone rediens ad Carthaginem, de sua multa in 
collatione loquacitate victorem se de ipsa collatione recessisse 
iactavit, et mentitus est (qui utique non facile a divinae legis 
ignaris examinari et diiudicari posset) a venerabili Augustino 

25 sequent! temporis, stilo et illius totius collationis de singulis 
obiectis et responsis facta est recapitulatio : et quam nihil ille 

2 fide sua falsa DF edd., sua fide falsa E n a volentibus et a 
valentibus edd 15 plurimis D*F edd. Q exhibet pluribus et pe- 
tentibus DEF, atque petentibus edd et om. CDEF 17 iudicabunt 

BD 21 de sua in collatione om. CD* 22 loquacitate collatione 

om. AB recessisse] heresi se A 23 quae CDEFG edd 24 pos- 
sent CDEF edd., possint G vcnerabili]-f viro BEkp edd 25 ?e- 
quenti temporis] ABCDEFGbcdghknpr, sequenti tempore efj, sequentis 
temporis Imoq edd. Ad sensum implendum puncto out aliud huiusmodi 
verbum inter sequenti et temporis desideratum 


as the parties separated from each other, he became more and 
more angry and enraged and threw out many lies in defense 
of his false faith, declaring that Augustine, though praised by 
the voice of many, had really been defeated by him. Since 
this could not be kept from public notice, Augustine was com- 
pelled to write to Pascentius himself, omitting, because of the 
latter's fear, the names of those who had attended the con- 
ference. In these letters he faithfully set forth everything 
which had been said and done by both parties; and to prove 
these things, if they should be denied, he had ready a great 
multitude of witnesses, illustrious and honorable men, who 
had been present on that occasion. In answer to two letters 
directed to him, Pascentius returned but one meager reply in 
which he managed to offer insults rather than to declare the 
opinion of his sect. This is acknowledged by those who are 
able and willing to read [the letter] . 

With a bishop of these Arians, a certain Maximinus, who 
came to Africa with the Goths, he held a conference at Hippo, 
since many illustrious men desired and requested it and were 
also present. And what each party asserted is recorded. If 
the studious will take the trouble to read the records carefully, 
they will surely discover what this crafty and unreasonable 
heresy professes in order to seduce and deceive and what the 
Catholic Church maintains and teaches regarding the divine 
Trinity. But when the heretic returned from Hippo to Car- 
thage and because of his great loquacity in the conference as- 
serted that he had returned victorious from the debate and 
lied (and as, of course, he could not be easily examined and 
judged by those who were ignorant of the divine Law), the 
venerable Augustine at a later time with his own pen made a 
recapitulation of the separate charges and answers of the en- 
tire conference. And although Maximinus was unable to offer 


obiectis referre potuerit, nihilominus demonstratum est, ad- 
ditis supplementis, quae in tempore collationis angusto inferri 
et scribi minime potuerunt. Id enim egerat nequitia hominis, 
ut sua novissima prosecutione multum longissima, totum quod 
5 remanserat diei spatium occuparet. 


Pelagianistae novi haeretici expugnati et condemnati 

Adversus Pelagianistas 1 quoque novos nostrorum temporum 
haereticos et disputatores callidos, arte magis subtili et noxia 

10 scribentes, et ubicunque poterant publice et per domes loquen- 
tes, per annos ferme decem 2 elaboravit, librorum multa condens 
et edens, et in ecclesia populis ex eodem errore frequentissime 
disputans. Et quoniam iidem perversi sedi apostolicae per 
suam ambitionem eandem perfidiam persuadere conabantur, 

15 instantissime etiam conciliis Africanis sanctorum episcoporum 
gestum est, ut sancto papae urbis, et prius venerabili Innocen- 
tio, 3 et postea sancto Zosimo 4 eius successor! persuaderetur, 
quam ilia secta a fide Catholica et abominanda et damnanda 
fuisset. At illi tantae sedis antistites, suis diversis temporibus 

20 eosdem notantes, atque a membris Ecclesiae praecidentes, datis 
litteris ad Africanas Occidentis et ad Orientis partis ecclesias, 
eos anathematizandos et devitandos ab omnibus Catholicis cen- 
suerunt. Et tale de illis Ecclesiae Dei Catholicae prolatum 
iudicium, etiam piissimus Imperator Honorius audiens ac se- 

25 quens, suis eos legibus damnatos inter haereticos haberi debere 
constituit. Unde nonnulli ex eis ad sanctae matris Ecclesiae 
gremium, unde resiluerant, redierunt et adhuc alii redeunt, in- 

2 angusto ]-|-cuncta CDEFG edd augusto ABD*E, augustino * 
4 multo CDEFG edd. Q exhibet multum n elaborabat B, labor- 
avit C edd 12 et (2) om. A 21 litteris] +et DEFG edd., et africanis 

et occidentis partibus ecclesiis B, occidentes et orientes ecclesias G, 

occidentis et orientis E 22 anathemandos DF edd. Q exhibet ana- 
thematizandos 25 damnandos et BQ 27 resiluerant] ABE*G, 
resilierant CDEF* edd 


any reply to the charges, nevertheless supplements were added 
and the things which could not be introduced and written in 
the short time of the conference were made clear; for the 
craftiness of the man led him to occupy the entire part of the 
day which remained with his last and by far his longest speech. 


Heretics of the new Pelagian sect overcome 
and condemned 

Against the Pelagians also, new heretics of our time and 
skilful debaters, who wrote with an art even more subtle and 
noxious, and spoke whenever they could, in public and in 
homes against these he labored for almost ten years, writing 
and publishing many books and very frequently arguing in the 
church with people of that error. When they perversely tried 
through their flattery to persuade the Apostolic See of their 
false doctrine, it was most positively resolved by [successive] 
African councils of holy bishops first to convince the venerable 
Innocent, the holy Pope of the city, and his successor, the holy 
Zosimus, that this sect ought to be abominated and condemned 
by the Catholic faith. And the bishops of that great See at 
various times censured them and cut them off from the mem- 
bership of the Church, and in letters sent to the African 
churches of the West and to the churches of the East decreed 
that they should be anathamatized and shunned by all Catho- 
lics. When the most pious Emperor Honorius heard of this 
judgment which had been passed upon them by the Catholic 
Church of God, influenced by it, he in turn decreed that they 
should be condemned by his laws and should be regarded as 
heretics. Accordingly some of them returned to the bosom of 
the holy mother Church from which they had withdrawn. 


notescente et praevalescente adversus ilium detestabilem er- 
rorem rectae fidei veritate. 

Et erat ille memorabilis vir praecipuum dominici corporis 
membrum, circa universalis Ecclesiae utilitates sollicitus sem- 
5 per ac pervigil. Et illi divinitus donatum est, ut de suorum 
laborum fructu, etiam in hac vita gaudere provenisset, prius 
quidem in Hipponensi Ecclesiae regione, cui maxime praeside- 
bat, imitate ac pace perfecta, deinde in aliis Africae partibus, 
sive per seipsum, sive per alios, et quos ipse dederat sacer- 

10 dotes, pullulasse et multiplicatam fuisse Domini Ecclesiam 
pervidens, illosque Manichaeos, Donatistas, Pelagianistas et 
paganos ex magna parte defecisse, et Ecclesiae Dei sociatos 
esse congaudens. Provectibus quoque et studiis favens erat, 
et exsultans bonorum omnium, indisciplinationes 5 pie ac sancte 

15 tolerans fratrum, ingemiscensque de iniquitatibus malorum, 
sive eorum qui intra Ecclesiam, sive eorum qui extra Eccles- 
iam sunt constituti, dominicis, ut dixi, lucris semper gaudens, 
et damnis maerens. 

Tanta autem ab eodem dictata et edita sunt, tantaque in ec- 

20 clesia disputata, excepta atque emendata, vel adversus di- 
versos haereticos, vel ex canonicis libris exposita ad aedifica- 
tionem sanctorum Ecclesiae filiorum, ut ea omnia vix quisquam 
studiosorum perlegere et nosse sufficiat. Verumtamen ne 
veritatis verbi avidissimos in aliquo fraudare videamur, statui 

25 Deo praestante in huius opusculi fine etiam eorundem librorum, 
tractatuum et epistolarum Indiculum* adiungere : quo lecto qui 
magis Dei veritatem quam temporales amant divitias, sibi quis- 
que quod voluerit ad legendum eligat, et id ad describendum, 
vel de bibliotheca Hipponensis ecclesiae petat, ubi emendatiora 

2 sectae A, om. C 64, 18 Inter ea veritate om. J 4 utilitate 

FG, utilitatem CDE edd 7 in hipponensi ecclesiae et regione B, in 
hipponensis ecclesise et regione CD, et eras. D*, in hipponense ecclesiae 
et regione F, in hipponensi ecclesia et regione edd 13 profectibus 
BD*FG edd 14 ac sancte om. A 16 extra earn A 20 diversos 

om. BF edd 21 haereticos]+conscripta edd 23 Verumtamen 

90, 24 arbitrabatur om. J 25 finem DFG 27 sibi] sive CDFG 
28 legendum]-f et cognoscendum CDEFG edd 


And others are still returning as the truth of the right faith 
shines forth and prevails against the detestable error. 

The memorable man, a noble member of the Lord's body, 
was ever solicitous and watchful for the advantage of the uni- 
versal Church. To him it was divinely granted that from the 
fruit of his labors he should find joy even in this life, first be- 
cause unity and peace were established in the part of the 
Church around Hippo over which he had special jurisdiction, 
and then in the other parts of Africa, either by his own efforts 
or by others, and through priests whom he himself had fur- 
nished. Moreover, he found joy in seeing the Church of the 
Lord increase and multiply and in seeing the Manichaeans, 
Donatists, Pelagians and pagans for the most part diminishing 
and becoming united with the Church of God. He also de- 
lighted in the pursuit of his studies and rejoiced in all good. 
In kindness he bore with the shortcomings of his brethren and 
mourned over the iniquities of the wicked, whether of those 
within the Church or of those without, always rejoicing, as I 
said, in the Lord's gains and sorrowing over His losses. 

And so many things were dictated and published by him 
and so many things were discussed in the church, written down 
and amended, whether against various heretics or expounded 
from the canonical books for the edification of the holy sons 
of the Church, that scarcely any student would be able to read 
and know them all. However, lest we seem in any way to de- 
prive those who are very eager for the truth of his word, I 
have determined, with the aid of God, to add also an Indiculus 
of these books, homilies and epistles at the end of this little 
work. When those who love the truth of God more than 
temporal riches have read this, each may choose for himself 
what he wishes to read. And in order to copy them let him 
seek them either from the library of the church of Hippo, 


exemplaria forte potuerint inveniri, vel unde valuerit inquirat, 
et inventa describat et habeat, et petenti ad describendum sine 
invidia etiam ipse tribuat. 

5 In causis audiendis quomodo se gesserit Augustinus 

Secundum Apostoli quoque sententiam, dicentis, Audet quis- 
quam vestrum adversus alterum negotium habens iudicare ab 
iniquis, et non apud sanctos? An nescitis quia sancti de mun- 
do iudicabunt? Et si in vobis iudicatur mundus, indigni estis 

10 iudiciorum minimorumf Nescitis quoniam angelos iudicabi- 
mus, nedum secularia? Secularia indicia si habueritis inter vos, 
eos qui contemptibiles sunt in Ecclesia, hos collocate ad iudican- 
dum. Ad reverentiam vobis loquor. Sic non est inter vos 
quisquam sapiens qui possit inter fratrem suum iudicare, sed 

15 f rater cum fratre iudicio contendit, et hoc apud infideles* In- 
terpellatus ergo a Christianis vel a cuiusque sectae hominibus 
causas audiebat 2 diligenter ac pie: cuiusdam sententiam ante 
oculos habens, dicens se malle inter incognitos, quam inter 
amicos causas audire: eo quod de incognitis, pro quo arbitra 

20 aequitate iudicaretur, amicum posset acquirere : de amicis vero 
unum esset, contra quern sententia proferretur, perditurus. Et 
eas aliquando usque ad horam refectionis, aliquando autem 
tota die ieiunans, semper tamen noscebat et dirimebat, inten- 
dens in eis Christianorum momenta animorum, quantum quis- 

25 que vel in fide bonisque moribus proficeret, vel ab his deficeret. 

i potuerunt E, poterunt edd. Q exhibet potuerint voluerit A vo 
in rasura, valuerint F 7 iudicari DEFG edd 8 mundum CDEFG 

edd 9 Et minimorum om. A, add. A* nobis A* iudicabitur 

A*D sunt A*BG 10 quam BC, quia DF edd II nec- 
dum BDG, quanto magis CD* SeculariaJ+igitur BCDEFG edd 
12 ad iudicandum om. BN 14 diiudicare DFG edd sed con- 
tendit om. D, add. D* 15 iudicio om. BQ, diiudicatur CD* edd., 
iudicatur E, diiudicaret F 16 a christianis] a om. A 17 cuiusquam 
A, cuiusque D, cuiuscunque D* 18 dicentis BCDEFG edd 22 in 
horam BCEGQ, in hora D, usque horam F 25 iis edd 


where the more perfect copies can probably be found, or search 
wherever else he can, and when he has found them let him 
copy and preserve them and also lend them willingly to anyone 
who wishes to make copies. 

Augustine as judge 

According also to the teaching of the Apostle, who said: 
"Dare any of you having a matter against another, go to law 
before the unjust and not before the saints? Do ye not know 
that the saints shall judge the world? and if the world shall 
be judged by you, are ye unworthy to judge the smallest mat- 
ters? Know ye not that we shall judge angels? How much 
more things that pertain to this life? If ye have judgments 
of things pertaining to this life, set them to judge who are 
least in the church. I speak to your shame. Is it so that there 
is not a wise man among you ? no, not one that shall be able to 
judge between his brethren? But brother goeth to law with 
brother, and that before the unbelievers." Accordingly when 
he was importuned by Christians or by men of any sect, he 
heard their cases carefully and dutifully, keeping before his 
eyes the remark of a certain one, who said that he preferred to 
hear cases between strangers rather than between friends ; for 
of the strangers he could gain the one as a friend in whose 
favor the case was justly decided, whereas he would lose the 
one of his friends against whom judgment was passed. Though 
they sometimes kept him even till meal-time and sometimes 
he even had to fast all day, yet he always examined these cases 
and passed judgment on them, considering in them the value 
of Christian souls in how far each had increased or de- 
creased in faith and good works. When opportunities occur- 


Atque compertis rerum opportunitatibus, divinae Legis verita- 
tem partes docebat, eamque illis inculcabat, et eas quo adipis- 
cerentur aeternam vitam admonebat: nihil aliud quaerens ab 
his quibus ad hoc vacabat, nisi tantum obedientiam et devoti- 
5 onem Christianam, quae et Deo debetur et hominibus, pec- 
cantes coram omnibus arguens, ut ceteri timorem haberent: 3 
et faciebat hoc tamquam speculator a Domino constitutus do- 
mus Israel, 4 praedicans verbum atque instans opportune, im- 
portune, arguens, hortans, increpans, in omni longanimitate et 

10 doctrina, 5 praecipueque operam dabat instruere eos, qui essent 
idonei et alios docere. 6 Rogatus quoque a nonnullis in eorum 
temporalibus causis, epistolas ad diversos dabat. Sed hanc 
suam a melioribus rebus occupationem tamquam angariam 7 
deputabat, suavem semper habens de his quae Dei sunt, vel 

15 allocutionem vel collocutionem fraternae ac domesticae famil- 

Pro reis quomodo intercesserit 

Novimus quoque eum a suis carissimis litterarum interces- 

20 sum apud seculi potestates postulatum non dedisse, dicentem 

cuiusdam sapientis servandam esse sententiam, de quo scriptum 

esset, quod multa suae famae contemplatione 1 amicis non 

praestitisset. Et illud nihilominus suum addens, quoniam 

plerumque potestas quae petitur premit. Cum vero interce- 

25 dendum esse rogatus videbat, tarn id honeste ac temperate 

agebat, ut non solum onerosus ac molestus non videretur, 

verum etiam mirabilis extitisset, nam dum exorta necessitate 

3 vitam aeternam CDF edd vitam] +et docebat et CDEG, -j-edoce- 
bat et D*F edd., -f et B 4 iis edd 7 domui CDFG edd 10 dans 
CDE edd., habens B, operandas F 14 iis edd 24 petit BG, prae- 
stat CDEF edd 26 ac] aut DF edd 27 extitit B, exsisteret CDEF 


red, he instructed both parties in the truth of the divine Law, 
impressing it upon them and reminding them of the way by 
which they might obtain eternal life. He asked no other re- 
ward from those for whom he spent his time in this way ex- 
cept the Christian obedience and devotion which is due to God 
and man, rebuking the sinner before all, that others also might 
fear. He did this as one whom the Lord made "a watchman 
unto the house of Israel," preaching the Word, instant in sea- 
son, out of season, reproving, rebuking, exhorting with all 
longsuffering and doctrine, and he took special pains to in- 
struct those who were able to teach others. On request he also 
wrote letters to some concerning their temporal cases. But 
this work which took him away from better things he regarded 
as a kind of conscription, for his pleasure was always in the 
things of God or in the exhortation or conversation of intimate 
brotherly friendship. 

How he interceded for prisoners 

We know also that when his most intimate friends asked 
him for letters of intercession to the civil authorities he did 
not give them, saying that it was wise to observe the rule of 
a certain sage of whom it was written that out of great regard 
for his own reputation he would not be responsible for his 
friends. But he added the remark, which was however his own, 
that this was a good rule because often the authority which 
is petitioned afterward becomes oppressive. But if, when he 
was asked for it, he perceived that intercession was necessary, 
he did it with such sincerity and tact that not only did he not 
appear irritating and annoying, but rather seemed admirable. 
For when one case of necessity arose and in his usual manner 


suo more apud quendam Africae vicarium, 2 Macedonium 3 no- 
mine, pro supplici litteris interveniret, atque ille paruisset, hoc 
more scriptum misit:* "Miro modo afficior sapientia tua, et 
in illis quae edidisti, et in his quae interveniens pro sollicitis 
5 mittere non gravaris. Nam ilia tantum habent acuminis, scien- 
tiae, sanctitatis, ut nihil supra sit, et haec tantum verecundiae, 
ut nisi faciam quod mandas, culpam penes me remanere non in 
negotio esse diiudicem, domine merito venerabilis et suscipiende 
pater. Non enim instas, quod plerique homines istius loci 
10 faciunt, ut quodcunque sollicitus voluerit, extorqueas: sed quod 
tibi a iudice tot curis obstricto petibile 5 visum fuerit, admones 
subserviente verecundia, quae maxima difficilium inter bonos 
efficacia est. Proinde statim commendatum effectum desiderii 
tribui. Nam sperandi viam ante feceram." 


Conciliis quo animo interesse soleret 

Sanctorum concilia sacerdotum per diversas provincias 
celebrata cum potuit frequentavit, non in eis quae sua sunt, 
sed quae Jesu Christi quaerens j 1 ut vel fides sanctae Ecclesiae 
20 Catholicae inviolata maneret, vel nonnulli sacerdotes et clerici, 
sive per fas sive per nefas excommunicati, vel absolverentur 
vel abiicerentur. In ordinandis vero sacerdotibus et clericis 
consensum maiorum Christianorum et consuetudinem Ecclesiae 
sequendum arbitrabatur. 

2 hoc modo rescriptum BCDEFG edd 4 iis edd 5 Nam]-f-et 
CDEFG edd 6 verecundiae A 7 ut] vel A 10 sollicitus] 
+petitor CDEF edd volueris BGQ 13 commendatis BCDEFG 

edd 14 patefeceram BCDEFG edd 76, 9 Apud feceram om. 

HK 17 sancta A 23 maiorem BDE edd., maiorum F, non con- 
sensum maiorum D*. E*OP exhibent maiorum 24 sequendam 
CDEF edd., sequendo K 84, 23 Verumtamen arbitrabatur om. J 


he interceded by letter with a Vicar of Africa, Macedonius 
by name, on behalf of a suppliant, Macedonius granted the re- 
quest and sent him an answer on this wise: "I am struck with 
wonder at your wisdom, both in the books you have published 
and in this letter which you have not found it too great a 
burden to send me by way of intercession for those in distress. 
For the former writings, my venerable lord and esteemed fa- 
ther, possess a discernment, wisdom and holiness which leave 
nothing to be desired, and the latter such modesty, that unless 
I do as you request, I could not regard myself as remaining 
free from blame in the matter. You do not insist, like most 
men in your position, on extorting all that the suppliant asks. 
But what seemed to you fair to ask of a judge occupied with 
many cares, this you advise with a humble modesty which is 
most efficacious in settling difficulties among good men. Con- 
sequently I have not hesitated to grant your request as you 
recommended and as I had given you reason to expect.'* 

His frame of mind when attending councils 

Whenever he was able, Augustine attended the councils of 
the holy priests which were held throughout the various pro- 
vinces, seeking in them not his own but the things of Jesus 
Christ, that the faith of the holy Catholic Church might re- 
main inviolate or that some priests and clergy who had been 
justly or unjustly excommunicated might be either absolved 
or rejected. In the ordination of priests and clergy he thought 
that the agreement of the majority of Christians and the cus- 
tom of the Church should be followed. 


In vestitu et victu qualis fuerit Augustinus 

Vestes eius et calceamenta vel lectualia ex moderate et 
competent! habitu erant, nee nitida nimium, nee abiecta pluri- 
5 mum: quia his plerumque vel iactare se insolenter homines 
solent, vel abiicere: ex utroque, non quae Jesu Christi, sed 
quae sua sunt iidem quaerentes. 1 At iste, ut dixi, medium 
tenebat, neque in dexteram neque in sinistram declinans. 2 
Mensa usus est frugali et parca, quae quidem inter olera et 

10 legumina, etiam carnes aliquando propter hospites, vel quosque 
infirmiores, semper autem vinum habebat, quia noverat et 
docebat, ut Apostolus dicit, quod omnis creatura Dei bona sit, 
et nihil abiiciendum, quod cum gratiarum actione accipitur, 
sanctificatur enim per verbum Dei et orationem* Et, ut idem 

15 Augustinus sanctus in suis Confessionum libris 4 posuit, dicens: 
"Non ego immunditiam obsonii timeo, sed immunditiam cupidi- 
tatis. Scio Noe omne carnis genus quod cibo esset usui, man- 
ducare permissum: Heliam cibo carnis refectum, loannem 
mirabili abstinentia praeditum, animalibus hoc est locustis in 

20 escam cedentibus, non fuisse pollutum. Et scio Esau lenticulae 
concupiscentia deceptum, et David propter aquae desiderium 
a seipso reprehensum, et Regem nostrum, non de carne, sed de 
pane temptatum. Ideoque et populus in eremo, non quia carnes 
desideravit, sed quia escae desiderio adversus Deum mur- 

25 muravit, meruit improbari." De vino autem sumendo Apostoli 
exstat sententia ad Timotheum scribentis, ac dicentis: Noli 
usque adhuc aquam bibere, sed vino modico utere propter sto- 
machum et frequentes tuas infirmitates* Cochlearibus tantum 

n bibebat BG, vino utebatur CD* 13 percipitur BCDEFGHJK 

edd 14 Et ut 28 Infirmitates om. J 17 genus carnis DFHK edd 

19 animalibus hoc est om. HK 20 scio et DFHK edd. Q exhibet 
et scio 22 non de carne sed de pane temptatum] ABEGcegmno, 
tentatum bhjr, pane esse temptatum edd., pane tantum temptatum d, 
non de came temptatum sed de pane tantum CDFHKalq 23 Ideo- 
que improbari om. E 24 desiderabat et murmurabat CD*F 

contra HK edd dominum DEG 14 Et ut 28 infirmititates om. J 


Augustine's use of food and clothing 

His garments and foot-wear and even his bedclothing were 
modest yet sufficient neither too fine nor yet too mean; for 
in such things men are wont either to display themselves 
proudly or else to degrade themselves, in either case seeking 
not the things which are of Jesus Christ, but their own. But 
Augustine, as I have said, held a middle course, turning neither 
to the right hand nor to the left. His table was frugal and spar- 
ing, though indeed with the herbs and lentils he also had meats 
at times for the sake of his guests or for some of the weaker 
brethren ; but he always had wine because he knew and taught, 
as the Apostle says, that "every creature of God is good and 
nothing is to be rejected if it be received with thanksgiving, 
for it is sanctified through the Word of God and prayer." 
And as Augustine himself has set down in his books of the 
Confessions, saying: "I fear not the uncleanness of meat, but 
the uncleanness of lust. I know that Noah was permitted to 
eat every kind of flesh which was useful for food; that Elijah 
was refreshed by eating flesh ; that John, who was gifted with 
marvelous abstinence, was not defiled by the creatures, that 
is the locusts, which became his food. I know also that Esau 
was ensnared by his desire for a pottage of lentils, and that 
David rebuked himself for his longing after water, and that 
our King was tempted not with meat, but with bread. And so 
likewise the people in the desert deserved to be condemned not 
because they desired meat, but because in their desire for 
food they murmured against God." As regards the use of 
wine there is the injunction of the Apostle who wrote to Timo- 
thy, saying: "Be no longer a drinker of water, but use a 
little wine for thy stomach's sake and thine often infirmities." 


argenteis utens, ceterum vasa quibus mensae inferebantur cibi 
vel testea vel lignea vel marmorea f uerunt : non tamen necessi- 
tatis inopia, sed proposito voluntatis. 6 Sed et hospitalitatem 
semper exhibuit. Et in ipsa mensa magis lectionem vel dispu- 
5 tationem, quam epulationem potationemque diligebat, et contra 
pestilentiam humanae consuetudinis 7 in ea scriptum ita habebat : 

Quisquis amat dictis absentum rodere vitam, 
Hac mensa indignam noverit esse suam. 

Et ideo omnem convivam a superfluis et noxiis fabulis sese 

10 abstinere debere admonebat. Nam et quosdam suos familiaris- 

simos coepiscopos illius scripturae oblitos, et contra earn lo- 

quentes, tam aspere aliquando reprehendit commotus, ut diceret 

aut delendos illos de mensa versus, aut se de media refectione 

ad suum cubiculum surrecturum. Quod ego et alii qui illi men- 

15 sae interfuimus, experti sumus. 

In usu redituum ecclesiasticorum qualis 

Compauperum vero semper memor erat, bisque inde eroga- 
bat unde et sibi suisque omnibus secum habitantibus, hoc est, 

20 vel ex reditibus possessionum Ecclesiae, vel etiam ex oblationi- 
bus fidelium. Et dum forte, ut adsolet, de possessionibus 
ipsis invidia clericis fieret, alloquebatur plebem Dei, 1 malle se 
ex collationibus magis plebis Dei vivere, quam illarum pos- 
sessionum curam vel gubernationem pad, et paratum se esse 

25 illis cedere, ut eo modo omnes Dei servi et ministri viverent, 

i cetera D* edd 4 vel 96, 12 fidem desunt in D errore tabularum 

phototypicarum 6 ita om. CEHJ 8 hac mensa] AE*, hanc men- 
sam BCEFGHJK edd indigne C suam] ACE*H, sui BGQ, sua 
F, sibi EJK edd 9 a om. A fabulis] -f-et detractionibus edd. 
Q om 13 delendos] +esse BCEFHJK edd se de] e A 18 sem- 
per om. A memorare A, memor erat A* eisque CEFGHJK edd 
19 secum habitantibus om. HK 23 plebis.. . .gubernationem om. F 
25 illi A servi dei AH 


His spoons only were silver, but the vessels in which food was 
served were earthen, wooden or marble ; yet this was not from 
the compulsion of necessity, but from the choice of his own 
will. He always showed hospitality. At the table he loved 
reading and discussion rather than eating and drinking, and 
against that pest of human custom he had this inscription on 
his table : 

Who injures the name of an absent friend 

May not at this table as guest attend. 

Thus he warned every guest to refrain from unnecessary and 
harmful tales. And when some of his most intimate fellow- 
bishops forgot that inscription and spoke without heeding it, 
Augustine on one occasion became exasperated and so sternly 
rebuked them as to declare that either those verses would 
have to be removed from the table or he would leave in the 
midst of the meal and retire to his chamber. Both I and the 
others who were at the table experienced this. 

His use of the church revenues 

He was ever mindful of his fellow-poor and for them he 
spent from the same funds from which he spent for himself 
and all who lived with him, that is, either from the revenues 
from the possessions of the church or from the offerings of 
the faithful. And when perchance, as was frequently the case, 
jealousy arose among the clergy regarding these possessions, 
Augustine addressed the people of God, saying that he pre- 
ferred to live by the contributions of God's people rather than 
be burdened with the care and direction of these possessions 
and that he was ready to give them back to them so that all 
the servants and ministers of God might live after the man- 


quo in vetere Testamento 2 leguntur altari deservientes eodem 
compartiri. Sed nunquam id laid suscipere voluerunt. 

In re domestica qualis 

5 Domus ecclesiae curam omnemque substantiam ad vices 1 
valentioribus clericis delegabat et credebat. Nunquam clavem, 
nunquam annulum in manu habens, sed ab hisdem domus 
praepositis cuncta et accepta et erogata notabantur. Quae an- 
no completo eidem recitabantur, quo sciretur quantum ac- 

IO ceptum, quantumque dispensatum fuerit, vel quid dispensan- 
dum remanserit, et in multis titulis magis illius praepositi do- 
mus fidem sequens, quam probatum manifestumque cognos- 
cens. Domum, agrum seu villam nunquam emere voluit. Ve- 
rum si forte ecclesiae a quoquam sponte tale aliquid vel do- 

15 naretur, vel titulo legati dimitteretur, non respuebat, sed sus- 
cipi iubebat. Nam et aliquas eum hereditates recusasse novi- 
mus, 2 non quia pauperibus inutiles esse possent, sed quoniam 
iustum et aequum esse videbat, ut a mortuorum vel filiis vel 
parentibus vel affinibus magis possiderentur, quibus ea deficien- 

20 tes dimittere noluerunt. Quidam etiam ex honoratis Hippo- 
riensium apud Carthaginem vivens ecclesiae Hipponensi pos- 
sessionem donare voluit, et confectas tabulas sibi usufructu 
retento, ultro eidem sanctae memoriae Augustino misit: cuius 
ille oblationem libenter accepit, congratulans ei quod aeternae 

25 suae memor esset salutis. Verum post aliquot [hos] annos no- 
bis forte cum eodem in comminus constitutis, ecce ille donator 

i deservientes] -}-de CEFJ edd 2 comparticipari CH edd 7 

isdem AGHJ, eisdem edd 8 Quae recitabantur om. C 9 retice- 

bantur A, recitabant F 10 fuisset et remansisset EJ edd 94, 4 vel 

12 fidem desunt in D errore tabularum phototypicarum manifes- 

tatumque edd 20 Quidam 98, 12 exiret om. J 23 ultro om. A 

25 aliquos BG hos om. CDEFHK edd 26 in om. CDEF edd 


ner of which we read in the Old Testament that they were 
partakers of that altar which they served. But this the laity 
were never willing to undertake. 

Household affairs 

The care of the church building and all its property he as- 
signed and entrusted in turn to the more capable clergy. 
He never held the key nor wore his ring, but everything 
which was received and spent was noted down by these over- 
seers of the house. At the end of the year the accounts were 
read to him that he might know how much had been received 
and how much spent, or what still remained to be spent. In 
many bills he preferred to rely on the fidelity of the overseer 
of the house rather than to ascertain it by testing and proving 
his accounts. A house or land or an estate he was never will- 
ing to buy. But if perchance anything of the kind was given 
to the church by someone of his own accord or if it was left 
as a legacy, he did not refuse it, but ordered that it be ac- 
cepted. But some legacies I know he refused, not because 
they could not be used for the poor, but because it seemed just 
and right that they should rather be in the possession of the 
children or parents or relatives of the deceased, even though 
the decedents had not willed to leave these things to them. 
In fact one of the chief men of Hippo who was living at 
Carthage wished to give his property to the church at Hippo. 
Retaining only the interest for himself, he sent the tablets 
duly attested to Augustine of holy memory, who gladly 
accepted his offering and congratulated him because, he was 
mindful of his eternal salvation. But some years after this, 
when as it happened we were visiting in Augustine's house, lo, 


litteras per suum filium mittens, rogavit ut illae donationum 
tabulae suo redderentur filio, pauperibus vero erogandos di- 
rexit solidos centum: quo ille sanctus cognito ingemuit homi- 
nem vel finxisse donationem, vel eum de bono opere poenituisse, 
5 et quanta potuit Deo suggerente cordi eius cum dolore animi 
ex eadem refragatione 3 dixit, in illius scilicet increpatione et 
correptione. Et tabulas quas ille sponte miserat, nee desider- 
atas, nee exactas confestim reddidit, pecuniamque illam respuit, 
atque rescriptis eundem sicut oportuit et arguit et corripuit, 

10 admonens ut de sua simulatione vel iniquitate poenitentiae 
humilitate Deo satisfaceret, ne cum tarn gravi delicto de seculo 

Frequentius quoque dicebat, magis securius et tutius ec- 
clesiam legata a defunctis dimissa debere suscipere, quam 

15 hereditates forte sollicitas et damnosas, ipsaque legata magis 
offerenda esse quam exigenda. Commendata vero quaeque 
ipse non suscipiebat, sed volentes suscipere clericos non pro- 
hibebat. In his quoque quae ecclesia habebat et possidebat 
intentus amore, vel implicatus non erat, sed maioribus magis 

20 et spiritalibus suspensus et inhaerens rebus, aliquando seipsum 
ad ilia temporalia ab aeternorum cogitatione relaxabat et de- 
ponebat. Quibus ille dispositis et ordinatis, tamquam a rebus 
mordacibus ac molestis, animi recursum ad interiora mentis et 
superiora faciebat, quo vel de inveniendis divinis cogitaret, vel 

25 de iam inventis aliquid dictaret, aut certe ex iam dictatis atque 
transcriptis aliquid emendaret. Et id agebat in die laborans, 

6 refragatione] ABDEFGHabcdeghjlmnoqr, res rogatione K, de 
eadem defraudatione D* Sal., de eodem defraudatipne C increpa- 
tionem et correptionem CE, increpationem et correctionem BDFG edd., 
increpatio correptionis K 10 iniquitate ]-|-cum edd 96, 20 Qui- 

dam 12 exiret om. J 13 securius] hie desinit K totius A*DE 

FG*, tutius D*E* 18 iis edd 19 magis et om. H, et om. CDF, magis 
ac Mi 20 vix aliquando H edd 24 divinis] +rebus BCDEFGHJ 
edd 25 dictis AB 


this benefactor sent a letter by his son and asked that the 
records of transfer be returned to his son, directing, however, 
that a hundred pieces of gold should be given to the poor. 
And when the holy man heard it he mourned that the man had 
either pretended to make a gift or had repented of his good 
work. In his grief of mind at this perversity he said what he 
could, as God put it in his heart, for the man's admonition 
and reproof. He immediately returned the tablets which had 
been sent voluntarily and not by request nor on compulsion. 
The money he spurned, and as in duty bound, he wrote an 
answer and censured and reproved the man, warning him to 
make his peace with God in humble repentance for his false 
pretences and wickedness, that he might not depart from this 
life under the burden of so great a sin. 

He also said frequently that the church might with greater 
security and sa'fety accept legacies left by the dead rather than 
gifts from the living which might cause anxiety and loss, and 
furthermore that legacies themselves should be offered vol- 
untarily rather than solicited. He accepted nothing which 
was offered him in trust, but did not restrain any of the clergy 
who wished to accept such gifts. He was not intently con- 
cerned nor entangled in the property which the church held 
and possessed. Yet though following with inmost desire after 
the greater spiritual things, he sometimes relaxed from his 
contemplation of things eternal and turned to temporal affairs. 
But when such things had been arranged and set in order, 
then as though freed from consuming and annoying cares, his 
soul rebounded to the more intimate and lofty thoughts of the 
mind in which he either pondered on the discovery of divine 
truth or dictated some of the things already discovered or else 
emended some of the works which had been previously dic- 
tated and then transcribed. This he accomplished by working 


et in nocte lucubrans. Et erat tamquam ilia gloriosissima 
Maria, typum gestans supernae Ecclesiae, de qua scriptum est, 
quod sederet ad pedes Domini, atque intenta eius verbum 
audiret: de qua soror conquesta, quod ab eadem circa multum 
5 ministerium occupata non adiuvaretur, audivit: Martha Mar- 
tha, meliorem partem Maria elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea. 4 
Nam fabricarum novarum nunquam studium habuit, devi- 
tans in eis implicationem sui animi, quern semper liberum 
habere volebat ab omni molestia temporali. Non tamen ilia 

10 volentes et aedificantes prohibebat, nisi tantum immoderatos. 
Interea 5 dum ecclesiae pecunia deficeret, hoc ipsum populo 
Christiano denunciabat, non se habere quod indigentibus ero- 
garet. Nam et de vasis dominicis propter captivos et quam 
plurimos indigentes, frangi et conflari iubebat, et indigentibus 

15 dispensari. Quod non commemorassem, nisi contra carnalem 
sensum quorundam fieri perviderem. Et hoc ipsum etiam 
venerabilis memoriae Ambrosius in talibus necessitatibus in- 
dubitanter esse faciendum, et dixit et scripsit. 6 Sed et de 
neglecto a fidelibus 7 gazophylacio et secretario, unde altari ne- 

20 cessaria inferrentur, aliquando in ecclesia loquens admonebat, 
quod etiam beatissimum Ambrosium se praesente 8 in ecclesia 
tractavisse, nobis aliquando retulerat. 

Disciplina domestica 

25 Cum ipso semper clerici, una etiam domo ac mensa sumpti- 
busque communibus alebantur et vestiebantur. 1 Et ne quis- 

i Et erat 10 immoderatos om. J religiosissima CDEFGH edd 

5 Martha (2) om. AEH 6 elegit maria BCH edd ^ Et erat 

10 immoderatos om. J . 13 et plurimum CDF , quam plurimos om. G, 
nam et vasa dominica quam plurima frangi EJL vel M 20 inferun- 
tur CDEF edd 


all day and toiling at night. He was a type of the Church on 
high, even as most glorious Mary, of whom it is written that 
she sat at the feet of the Lord and listened intently to His 
word; but when her sister who was cumbered about much 
serving, complained because she received no help, she heard 
the words: "Martha, Martha, Mary hath chosen that better 
part which shall not be taken away from her." 

For new buildings he never had any desire, avoiding the 
entanglement of his soul in these things, since he wished al- 
ways to have it free from all temporal annoyance. Neverthe- 
less he did not restrain those who desired or constructed them, 
provided only they were not extravagant. Sometimes, when 
the money of the church failed, he announced to the Christian 
people that he had nothing to give to the poor. For the sake 
of captives and of the many who were in need he even ordered 
the holy vessels to be broken and melted down and to be dis- 
tributed to the needy. I would not have mentioned this un- 
less I knew that it was done contrary to the carnal judgment 
of some. Ambrose, of venerable memory, also said and wrote 
that in such extremities it should be done without any hesi- 
tancy. Sometimes too when the treasury and also the consis- 
tory, from which were supplied the things necessary for the 
altar, had been neglected by the faithful, Augustine would 
speak of it in the church and remind the people, even as he 
once told us the blessed Ambrose had dealt with the subject 
in the church when he was there. 

Household discipline 

At the same house and table together with him the clergy 
were regularly fed and clothed at the common expense. That 


quam facili iuratione etiam ad periurium cecidisset, 2 et in ec- 
clesia populo praedicabat, et suis instituerat, 3 ne quis iuraret, 
nee ad mensam quidem. Quod si prolapsus fecisset, unam de 
statutis perdebat potionem: numerus enim erat suis secum 
5 commorantibus et convivantibus poculorum praefixus. Indisci- 
plinationes quoque et transgressiones suorum a regula recta et 
honestate et arguebat et tolerabat quantum decebat et oporte- 
bat : in talibus praecipue docens, ne cuiusquam cor declinaretur 
in verba maligna ad excusand[as] excusationes in peccatis.* 

10 Et ut dum quisque offerret munus suum ad altare, et illic re- 
cordatus fuerit quod frater suus habebat aliquid adversus il- 
ium, relinquendum esse munus ad altare, atque eundum quo 
fratri reconciliaretur, et tune veniendum, et munus ad altare 
offerendum. 5 Si vero ipse adversus fratrem suum aliquid 

15 haberet, corripere eum debere in parte; 9 et si eum audisset, 
lucratus esset suum fratrem : sin minus, adhibendum esse unum 
aut duos. Quod si et ipsos contemneret, Ecclesiam adhiben- 
dam. Si vero et huic non obediret, esset illi ut ethnicus et 
publicanus. 7 Et illud addens, ut fratri peccanti et veniam 

20 petenti, non septies, sed septuagies septies delictum relaxare- 
tur, 8 sicut quisque a Domino quotidie sibi postulat relaxari. 

De convictu feminarum 

Feminarum intra domum eius nulla unquam conversata est, 

25 nulla mansit ne quidem germana soror, quae vidua Deo ser- 

viens multo tempore usque in diem obitus sui praeposita an- 

i decidisset BDFGH edd., dicideret CD*EJ 2 suos edd 3 fu- 
isset H edd 7 honesta BCDGH et om. C edd., honestate et otn. 
E], recte et oneste F 8 declinaret CD*H 9 excusandas] CDFH 

edd., excusandum ABEGJ 10 Et 21 relaxari om. J ut om. 

CDF edd 11 fuisset CDEF edd haberet CDE edd., habet F, 
habeat G 12 ad] ante D* edd eundem A 13 frater edd. re- 
concilietur DFGH edd. eundum fratrem reconciliare CD* 14 Si.... 
19 publicanus om. H 15 in partem A 20 laxaretur C, relaxetur 
DEFGH edd 21 unusquisque BQ 10 Et 21 relaxari om. J 


no one might lightly utter an oath and thus fall into condemna- 
tion, he preached to the people in the church and instructed 
the members of his own household that no one should utter 
an oath not even at the table. And if anyone erred in this, 
he lost one drink, according to the rules: for the number of 
cups allowed each one of those who lived and ate with him 
was fixed beforehand. The faults of omission and commis- 
sion of which, in spite of this rule, his brethren were guilty, 
he duly and properly censured or countenanced them as far 
as was fitting and necessary ; in such cases particularly teach- 
ing that no one should incline his heart to evil words or to 
make excuses in sins. And when anyone offered his gift at 
the altar and there remembered that his brother had aught 
against him, he should leave his offering at the altar and go to 
be reconciled to his brother and then come and offer his gift 
at the altar. But if he had anything against his brother, he 
should rebuke him in secret, and if he heard him he had gained 
his brother, but if not, he should take with him one or two 
others. If he held them also in contempt he should be brought 
before the Church. If he did not obey her, he should be to 
him as a heathen and a publican. This also he added, that 
if a brother offend and ask forgiveness, not seven times, but 
seventy times seven times, the offence should be forgiven him, 
even as each one daily asks of the Lord that his own sins be 


On the companionship of women 

No woman ever lived or stayed in Augustine's house, not 
even his own sister, though she was a widow who had long 
served God and lived in charge of His handmaidens even to 


cillarum Dei vixit. Sed ne fratris sui filiae, quae pariter Deo 
serviebant: 1 quas personas sanctorum episcoporum concilia in 
exceptis posuerunt. Dicebat vero, quia 2 etsi de sorore et 
neptibus secum commorantibus nulla nasci posset mala sus- 
5 picio, tamen quoniam illae personae sine aliis necessariis secum- 
que manentibus feminis esse non possent, et quod ad eas etiam 
aliae aforis 3 intrarent, de his posse offendiculum aut scand- 
alum infirmis 4 nasci, et illos qui cum episcopo vel quolibet 
clerico forte manerent, ex illis omnibus feminarum personis 

10 posse una commorantibus aut adventantibus, aut tentationibus 
humanis perire, aut certe malis hominum suspicionibus pessime 
diffamari: ob hoc ergo dicebat, nunquam feminas debere cum 
servis Dei, etiam castissimis, una manere domo, ne (ut dic- 
tum est) aliquod scandalum vel offendiculum tali exemplo 

15 poneretur infirmis. 5 Et si forte ab aliquibus feminis ut videre- 
tur vel salutaretur, rogabatur, nunquam sine clericis testibus 
ad eum intrabant, vel solus cum solis nunquam est locutus, 
nee si secretorum aliquid interesset. 

20 OfHcium erga destitutes et aegrotantes 

In visitationibus vero modum tenebat ab Apostolo definitum, 
ut non nisi viduas et pupillos in tribulationibus constitutes 
visitaret. 1 Et si forte ab aegrotantibus ob hoc peteretur, ut 
pro eis in praesenti Dominum rogaret eisque manum impon- 
25 eret, sine mora pergebat. Feminarum autem monasteria non 
nisi urgentibus necessitatibus visitabat. Servandum quoque in 

i nee EGJ edd., neque C -fpatrui su j filiae et edd. LMNOPQ 

acdeghjlmnoqr om. patrui et 4 nullam A 5 sine om. A. 7 

alii G, illi B, aliae etiam DF edd foris A, ex foribus E 8 infirmi- 
oribus CDF edd. Q exhibet infirmis 9 maneret A 10 vel adven- 
tantibus CEJ edd aut tentationibus. .. .suspicionibus om. F. aut.... 

certe om. J. certe om. CEH 12 ob no, 3 vobis om. J debere 

feminas CDEFGH edd 13 castissimas BQ 14 aut DFH edd vel 
offendiculum om. C 15 infirmioribus CDF edd 16 umquam CDE 
FGH edd 22 pupillas B, pupillos et viduas CDEF edd. (aut et G, 

viduis //) constitutas BDG edd 23 visitabat CE 24 eisque 

imponeret om. C manus edd 


the dayi of her death. Nor did he admit his brother's daugh- 
ters who were likewise serving God, although the councils of 
holy bishops placed these persons among the exceptions. He 
used to say that although no evil suspicion could arise from 
the fact that his sister and nieces were living with him, yet 
since they could not be without servants and other women 
who would stay with them, and still others would come in 
from without to visit them, because of these a stumbling-block 
or an occasion to fall might be placed in the way of the weak. 
He also said that because of the presence of all those women 
who would live or come there, the men who happened to be 
visiting the bishop or some one of the clergy might either per- 
ish by human temptation or surely be most shamefully maligned 
by the evil suspicions of men. On this account, therefore, he 
said that women ought never to live in the same house with 
the servants of God, even the most chaste, that no occasion to 
fall, as has been said, nor a stumbling-block might be placed 
in the way of the weak by such an example. And if perchance 
any women requested to see him or to salute him, they never 
came in to him without some of the clergy as witnesses, nor 
did he ever speak with them alone, not even if the matter was 
one of secrecy. 

Service to the needy and sick 

In his visitations he adhered to the rule set forth by the 
Apostle and visited only the widows and orphans in their 
afflictions. Yet whenever it happened that he was requested 
by the sick to come in person and pray to the Lord for them 
and lay his hand upon them, he went without delay. But the 
monasteries of women he visited only in extreme emergencies. 


vita et moribus hominis Dei referebat, quod institute sanctae 
memoriae Ambrosii compererat, ut uxorem cuiquam nunquam 
posceret, neque militare volentem ad hoc commendaret, neque 
in sua patria petitum ire ad convivium: de singulis rebus 
5 praesentens causas, scilicet ne dum inter se coniugati iurgar- 
ent, ei maledicerent per quem coniuncti essent. Sed plane ad 
hoc sibi iam consentientes petitum interesse debere sacerdotem, 
ut vel eorum iam pacta vel placita firmarentur vel benediceren- 
tur. Et ne militiae commendatus ac male agens eius culpa 

IO suffragatori tribueretur. Et ne per frequentiam in propriis 
conviviorum institutis temperantiae amitteretur modus. 

Indicaverat quoque nobis se praedicti beatae memoriae viri 
in ultimo vitae constituti audisse sapientissimum et piissimum 
responsum, et multum laudabat ac praedicabat. Nam cum 

15 ille venerabilis ultima iaceret aegritudine, et a fidelibus honora- 
tis lecto eius astantibus et videntibus eum ad Deum de seculo 
migraturum, et ob hoc maerentibus tanti ac talis antistitis Ec- 
clesiam posse privari verbi et sacramenti Dei dispensatione, 
et rogaretur cum lacrimis, ut sibi a Domino vitae posceret 

20 commeatum, eum illis dixisse: "Non sic vixi, ut me pudeat 
inter vos vivere: sed nee mori timeo, quia bonum Dominum 
habemus." 2 Et in his noster Augustinus senex elimata ac 
librata admirabatur et laudabat verba. Ideo enim eum dix- 

I in institute edd 4 petitum ire] ACDEFGacdeghmnor, apeti- 
tum B, iret H, petitus iret Iq edd. petitum ire in oratione obliqua quam- 
vis hoc loco abruptum 5 praestans GH, reddens CDEF edd con- 
iugati]4-casu H edd 7 illis consentientibus edd. Q exhibet consen- 
tientes 8 pacta vel placita] ABcegjm, facta o, iam facta placita 
CDEFGHadhlnqr, pacta et placita edd 10 in propriis conviviorum 
institutis] Ae, improbis Bcgjm, in probis Q, constitutis o, institutus 
GHa, conbibiorum constitutus r, conviviis institutus Iq in patriae 
conviviorum institutus DF, in patria convitiorum institutus d, in patriae 
conviviis constitutus CEhn edd 12 beati viri BQ 16 videntibus] 
orantibus A, om. G de seculo ad deum CDEFG edd. 19 et om. 
CE edd. 


Furthermore he said that in the life and habits of a man of 
God that rule ought to be observed which he had learned from 
the practice of Ambrose of holy memory, namely, never to 
seek a wife for another man, nor to urge anyone who desired 
to go to war to do so, nor to accept an invitation to a feast in 
his own community. He gave as his reasons for each of these 
that if the husband and wife should [ever] happen to quarrel 
with each other, they might revile him who had brought them 
together; but clearly, if they themselves had previously agreed 
to marry, the priest to whom they came ought to offer his 
services so that that which had been agreed upon and was 
pleasing to them should be confirmed or blessed ; in the second 
case in order that no one who had been recommended to mili- 
tary service might blame the one who encouraged him if he 
suffered any ill through his own fault ; and finally, lest by fre- 
quent participation in the customs peculiar to feasts his vow of 
temperance should be broken. 

He also told us that he had heard of the very wise and 
godly reply of an illustrious man of blessed memory at the 
end of his life, and he warmly praised and extolled it. For 
when the venerable man lay abed in his last illness and the chief 
members of the church were standing around his couch, watch- 
ing him as he was about to depart from this world to be with 
God, they were overcome with grief at the thought that the 
Church could be deprived of so great and glorious a prelate 
and of his dispensation of the Word and Sacrament of God. 
And when they begged him with tears that he should ask of the 
Lord an extension of his life he said to them : "I have not so 
lived that I should be ashamed to live among you, yet I do 
not fear to die, for we have a Lord who is good." And our 
Augustine, in his later days, used to admire and praise these 
well-weighed words. For he said that we must understand 


isse intelligendum esse "nee mori timeo, quia bonum Dominum 
habemus," ne crederetur praefidens de suis purgatissimis 
moribus praemisisse, "non sic vixi ut me pudeat inter vos 
vivere." Hoc enim dixerat ad illud quod homines de homine 
5 nosse poterant; nam ad examen aequitatis divinae, de bono se 
Domino magis confidere, cui etiam in oratione quotidiana dice- 
bat: Dimitte nobis debita nostra* 

Cuiusdam quoque coepiscopi et familiarissimi amici, in ex- 
tremis vitae de talibus frequentissime referebat dictum: ad 

10 quern cum visitandum iam morti propinquantem ventitasset, 
et ille manu gestu se de seculo exiturum significant, atque a 
se illi esset responsum, adhuc eum Ecclesiae necessarium vi- 
vere posse, ilium ne putaretur huius vitae teneri cupiditate 
respondisse : "Si nunquam, bene ; si aliquando, quare non 

15 modo?" Et talem sententiam mirabatur et laudabat hominem 
protulisse, Deum quidem timentem, verumtamen in villa na- 
tum et nutritum, sed non multa lectionis eruditum scientia. 
Contra ilium scilicet sensum aegrotantis episcopi, de quo sanc- 
tus in epistola sua, quam de mortalitate scripsit 4 martyr Cypri- 

2O anus, 5 ita retulit, dicens : "Cum quidam de collegis et consacer- 
dotibus nostris infirmitate defessus et de appropinquante morte 
sollicitus, commeatum sibi precaretur, astitit deprecanti et iam 
pene morienti iuvenis honore et maiestate venerabilis, statu 
celsus et clarus aspectu, et quern assistentem sibi vix posset 

25 humanus aspectus oculis carnalibus intueri, nisi quod talem 

3 praesumpsisse CDEF edd., praesumisse H 5 ad] sciens CDEF 
edd. Q exhibet ad se]-f-dixit CDEF edd 6 quotidiana] -f-domin- 
ica CDEFGH edd 8 familiarissimi] -f-sui CDEFGH edd n manus 
CDEFGH edd., magnus B 14 ei respondisse CDEF edd 23 stat- 
ura H edd 24 astantem edd. Q exhibet assistentem 


that Ambrose added this second saying "I do not fear to die, 
for we have a Lord who is good" so that no one might be- 
lieve that from overconfidence in the purity of his own life he 
had first said, "I have not so lived that I should be ashamed 
to live among you." Now this he had said in reference to that 
which men can judge about a fellow-man; but as for his 
judgment by the divine justice, he trusted rather in the Lord 
who is good to whom he also said in the daily prayer : "For- 
give us our trespasses." 

Moreover toward the end of his life Augustine very fre- 
quently repeated in this same connection the words of a cer- 
tain fellow-bishop and very intimate friend. For when he had 
gone to visit him several times as he drew near to death and 
he had indicated by a gesture of his hand that he was soon to 
depart from this world, Augustine had said to him that he 
might still be of great benefit to the Church if he lived. But 
that no one should think he was captivated by a desire 
for this life he had answered: "If I were never to die it 
would be well ; but if I am ever to die, why not now ?" This 
sentiment was much admired by Augustine and he praised him 
who had given voice to it a man who feared God, indeed, 
but who had been born and brought up in a small town and 
was not much educated in the art of reading. Compare on the 
other hand the attitude of a certain ailing bishop of whom the 
holy martyr Cyprian speaks on this wise in his letter which he 
wrote on Mortality, saying: "When a certain one of our col- 
leagues and fellow-priests, wearied with infirmity and troubled 
at the near approach of death, prayed for an extension of his 
life, there stood by him as he prayed and was even now on the 
point of death, a youth, venerable in glory and majesty, tall of 
stature and with radiant countenance. And mortal eyes could 
scarcely have endured to look upon him as he stood there, 


vLdere iam poterat de seculo recessurus. Atque ille non sine 
quadam animi et vocis indignatione infremuit, et dixit: Pati 
timetis, exire non vultis; quid faciam vobis?" 

5 Quae proxime ante mortem ab Augustino edita 

Ante proximum vero diem obitus sui a se dictates et editos 
recensuit libros, sive eos quos primo tempore suae conversionis 
adhuc laicus, sive quos presbyter, sive quos episcopus dictav- 
erat, et quaecunque in his recognovit aliter quam sese habet 

io ecclesiastica regula a se fuisse dictata et scripta, cum adhuc 
ecclesiasticum usum minus sciret minusque sapuisset, a semet- 
ipso et reprehensa et correcta sunt. Unde etiam duo con- 
scripsit volumina, quorum est titulus, De Recensione Libro- 
rum. 1 Praereptos etiam sibi quosdam libros ante diligentiorem 

15 emendationem a nonnullis fratribus conquerebatur, 2 licet eos 
postmodum emendasset. Imperfecta etiam quaedam suorum 
librorum praeventus morte dereliquit Quique prodesse omni- 
bus volens, et valentibus multa librorum legere et non valenti- 
bus, ex utroque divino Testamento veteri et novo praecepta 

20 praemissa praefatione divina seu vetita ad vitae regulam per- 

tinentia excerpsit, atque ex his unum codicem fecit: ut qui 

vellet legeret, atque in eo vel quam obediens Deo inobediensque 

esset, agnosceret: et hoc opus voluit Speculum appellari. 

Verum brevi consequenti tempore divina voluntate et po- 

25 testate provenit, ut manus ingens diversis telis armata et bellis 

104, 12 ob 3 vobis om. / 6 edictos A 7 libros recensuit CEGJ 

conversionis suae DFH edd n sapuisse A, saperet CD* 14 Prae- 
reptos 116, 22 impetravit om. J 19 praecepta] post praefatione 

BCDEFGH edd 22 inobediensve edd 23 appellare BDF. Q ex- 
hibet appellari 25 bellis] velis A 


had not he who was soon to depart from this world already had 
power to behold such a being. And not without a certain in- 
dignation of soul and voice the youth rebuked him and said: 
'You fear to suffer, you do not wish to die ; what shall I do 
with you?'" 


The books published by Augustine just before his death 

Shortly before the time of his death he revised the books 
which he had dictated and edited, whether those which he had 
dictated in the time immediately following his conversion 
when he was still a layman, or while he was a presbyter or a 
bishop. And in those works which he had dictated or written 
while he was as yet not so well acquainted with ecclesiastical 
usage and had less understanding, whatsoever he found not 
agreeing with the ecclesiastical rule, this he himself censured 
and corrected. Thus he wrote two volumes whose title is On 
the Revision of Books. And he sometimes complained that 
certain books had been carried off by some of his brethren 
before his careful revision, although he revised them later. 
Some of his books, however, he left uncompleted at the time 
of his death. Furthermore, in his desire to be of help to all, 
both those who could read many books and those who could 
not, he made excerpts from both the sacred Testaments, the 
Old and the New, of the divine commandments and prohibi- 
tions relating to the conduct of life, and with the addition of 
a preface, made one volume of them. He who wishes may 
read it and learn therefrom how obedient or disobedient he is 
to God. This work he desired to have called The Mirror. 

But a short time after his it came about, in accordance with 
the divine will and command, that a great host of savage foes, 


exercitata, immanium hostium Vandalorum et Alanorum com- 
mixtam secum habens Gothorum gentem, aliarumque diversa- 
rum personas, ex Hispaniae partibus transmarinis navibus 
Africae influxisset et irruisset: 3 universeque per loca Mauri- 
5 taniarum etiam ad alias nostras transiens provincias et regiones, 
omni saeviens atrocitate et crudelitate, cuncta quae potuit 
spoliatione, caedibus diversisque tormentis, incendiis, aliisque 
innumerabilibus et infandis malis depopulata est: nulli sexui, 
nulli parcens aetati, nee ipsis Dei sacerdotibus vel ministris, 

IO nee ipsis ecclesiarum ornamentis seu instrumentis vel aedifi- 
ciis. Et hanc ferocissimam hostium grassationem et vastation- 
em, ille Dei homo et factam fuisse et fieri, non ut ceteri homi- 
num sentiebat et cogitabat: sed altius ac profundius ea con- 
siderans, et his animarum praecipue vel pericula vel mortes 

15 pervidens, solito amplius (quoniam, ut scriptum est, Qui ap- 
ponit scientiam, apponit dolorem* et cor intelligens tinea ossi- 
bus 5 ) fuerunt ei lacrimae panes die ac nocte, 6 amarissimamque 
et lugubrem prae ceteris suae senectutis iam pene extremam 
ducebat ac tolerabat vitam. Videbat enim ille homo civitates 

2O excidio perditas pariterque cives cum aedificiis villarum habi- 
tatores alios hostili nece exstinctos, alios effugatos 7 atque 
disperses: ecclesias sacerdotibus ac ministris destitutas, vir- 
ginesque sacras et quosque continentes ubique dissipates : et in 
his alios tormentis defecisse, alios gladio interemptos esse, 

25 alios in captivitate perdita animi et corporis integritate ac 
fide, malo more et duro hostibus deservire; hymnos Dei et 
laudes ex ecclesiis deperisse, aedificia ecclesiarum quampluri- 

2 aliorumque A 4 universasque B, universaque CH edd., universae 
provinciae quae E 6 crudelitate et atrocitate H edd 7 exspolia- 
tione CDFGH edd 13 ac] et CDFGH edd 14 in his CDEFGH 
edd 15 praevidens BCDEFGH edd 19 homo]-f dei BH edd., eras. 
G 20 cives om. BCDEFGH edd 26 fidei edd et duro] ac duro 
H edd 27 ex] de DF edd., om. B 


Vandals and Alans, with some of the Gothic tribe interspersed, 
and various other peoples, armed with all kinds of weapons 
and well trained in warfare, came by ship from the regions of 
Spain across the sea and poured into Africa and overran it. 
And everywhere through the regions of Mauretania, even 
crossing over to other of our provinces and territories, raging 
with cruelty and barbarity, they completely devastated every- 
thing they could by their pillage, murder and varied tortures, 
conflagrations and other innumerable and unspeakable crimes, 
sparing neither sex nor age, nor even the priests or ministers 
of God, nor yet the ornaments or vessels of the churches nor 
even the buildings. Now the man of God did not believe and 
think as other men did regarding the causes from which this 
most fierce assault and devastation of the foe had arisen and 
come to pass. But considering these matters more deeply and 
profoundly and perceiving in them above all the dangers and 
the death of souls (since, as it is written, "He that increas- 
eth knowledge increaseth sorrow," and "An understanding 
heart is a worm in the bones"), more than ever tears were his 
meat day and night, as he passed through and endured those 
days of his life, now almost ended, which beyond all others 
were the most bitter and mournful of his old age. For he saw 
cities overthrown in destruction, and the resident citizens, to- 
gether with the buildings on their lands, partly annihilated by 
the enemy's slaughter and others driven into flight and dis- 
persed. He saw churches stripped of priests and ministers, 
and holy virgins and all the monastics scattered in every di- 
rection. Here he saw some succumb to torture and others slain 
by the sword, while still others in captivity, losing their in- 
nocency and faith both in soul and body, received from their 
foes the harsh and evil treatment of slaves. He saw the 
hymns and praises of God perish from the churches ; the church 


mis locis ignibus concremata, sollemnia quae Deo debentur de 
propriis locis desisse sacrificia, et sacramenta divina vel non 
quaeri, vel quaerenti qui tradat non facile reperiri: in ipsis 
montium silvis, cavernis petrarum et speluncis confugientes, 
5 vel ad quasque munitiones, alios f uisse expugnatos et intercep- 
tos, alios ita necessariis sustentaculis 8 evolutos atque privates, 
ut fame contabescerent : ipsosque ecclesiarum praepositos et 
clericos, qui forte Dei beneficio vel eos non incurrerunt, vel 
incurrentes evaserunt, rebus omnibus spoliatos atque nudatos 

10 egentissimos mendicare, nee eis omnibus ad omnia quibus ful- 
ciendi essent subveniri posse : vix tres superstites ex innumera- 
bilibus ecdesiis, hoc est Carthaginensem, Hipponensem et 
Cirtensem, quae Dei beneficio excisae non sunt, et earum per- 
manent civitates, et divino et humano fultae praesidio; licet 

15 post eius obitum urbs Hipponensis incolis destituta ab hosti- 
bus fuerit concremata. 9 Et se inter haec mala cuiusdam sapi- 
entis 10 sententia consolabatur, dicentis: "Non erit magnus 
magnum putans quod cadunt ligna et lapides, et moriuntur 

20 Haec ergo omnia ille, ut erat alte sapiens, quotidie ubertim 
plangebat. Accrevitque maeroribus et lamentationibus eius, ut 
etiam adhuc in suo statu consistentem ad eandem Hipponen- 
sium-regiorum civitatem ab hisdem hostibus veniretur obsiden- 
dam: quoniam in eius erat tune defensione constitutus comes 

25 quondam Bonifacius 11 cum Gothorum foederatorum exercitu, 
quam urbem ferme quatuordecim mensibus conclusam obse- 
derunt: nam et litus illi marinum interclusione abstulerunt. 
Quo etiam ipsi nos de vicino cum aliis nostris coepiscopis con- 

i de om. A 2 lucis A dedisse A, deseruisse C, perisse H, des- 

ivisse edd et om. BDF, vel E, ac edd 3 ipsas silvas et caver- 

nas speluncas edd. Q exhibet silvis et cet., cavernisque BC, et cav- 
ernis DFH 5 interfectos CDFH edd., interemptos E 6 evolatos 
A 7 fama contubescerent A 8 incurrerant et evaserant CD*E edd 
g exspoliatos BEGH edd n subvenire BDEFGH. essent subsidia 
se invenire CD* 23 regionum ABDF, regionem CH iisdem edd 
24 erat tune defensione] Ab, defensionem Bcegj, tune fuerat defensione 
DFHadhlr, tune fuerat defensionem Go, tune defensione fuerat E edd., 
tune in eius defensionem fuerat C, constitutus fuerat m comes 


buildings in many places consumed by fire; the regular ser- 
vices which were due to God cease from their appointed 
places ; the holy sacraments no longer desired, or if some one 
did desire them, no one could easily be found to administer 
them. When they gathered in flight amid the mountain for- 
ests, in the caves and caverns of the rocks or in any other 
kind of retreat, some were captured and put to death while 
others were robbed and deprived of the necessary means of 
sustenance so that they gradually perished of hunger. Even 
the bishops of the churches and the clergy who, by the help 
of God, did not chance to meet the foe or, if they did meet 
them, escaped their hands, he saw despoiled and stripped of all 
their goods and begging in abject poverty, nor could they all 
be furnished with that by which they might be relieved. Of 
the innumerable churches he saw only three survive, namely 
those of Carthage, Hippo and Cirta, which by God's favor were 
not demolished. These cities too still stand, protected by 
human and divine aid, although after Augustine's death the 
city of Hippo, abandoned by its inhabitants, was burned by the 
enemy. Amid these calamities he was consoled by the thought 
of a certain wise man who said: "He is not to be thought 
great who thinks it strange that wood and stones should fall 
and mortals die." 

But Augustine, being exceeding wise, daily bewailed all these 
events. And it increased his grief and sorrow that this same 
enemy also came to besiege the city of the Hippo-Regians 
which had so far maintained its position. With its defence at 
this time the late Count Boniface had been entrusted with an 
army of allied Goths. For almost fourteen months they shut 
up and besieged the city; and they even cut off its sea-coast 
by blockade. We ourselves with other of our fellow-bishops 
from the neighboring regions took refuge in this city and re- 

.... exercitu] ABDEFLMNOPQacegjlmno Ben. Mi., quidam CD*b, 
foederatus h, exercitum GH, quidem . . . . exercitum r, comes quidam 
nomine Bonifacius cum Gothorum (quondam foederatus exercitu?) d, 
comes quidam Bonifacius cum Gothorum quondam foederatus exercitu 
Sal 27 ilia H, illi marinum in conclusione C, marina interclusione 
EL vel M 


fugeramus, in eademque omni eius obsidionis tempore fuimus. 
Unde nobiscum saepissime colloquebamur, et Dei tremenda 
iudicia prae oculis nostris posita considerabamus, dicentes: 
lustus es Domine, et rectum iudicium tuum. 12 Pariterque do- 
5 lentes, gementes et flentes orabamus miserationum Patrem et 
Dominum omnis consolationis, 13 ut in eadem nos tribulatione 
sublevare dignaretur. 

Morbus extremus Augustini 

10 Et forte provenit ut una cum eodem ad mensam constituti, 
et inde fabulantes, nobis diceret: "Noveritis me hoc tempore 
nostrae calamitatis id Deum rogare, ut aut hanc civitatem ab 
hostibus circumdatam liberare dignetur, aut si aliud ei videtur, 
suos servos ad perferendam suam voluntatem fortes faciat, 

15 aut certe ut sese de hoc seculo ad se accipiat." Quae ille dicens 
nosque instruens, deinceps cum eodem et nobis et nostris om- 
nibus, et ipsis qui in eadem civitate fuerant, a summo Deo 
similiter petebamus. Et ecce tertio illius obsidionis mense 
decubuit febribus, et ilia ultima exercebatur aegritudine. Nee 

20 suum sane Dominus famulum fructu suae precis fraudavit. 
Nam et sibiipsi et eidem civitati quod lacrimosis depoposcit 
precibus, in tempore impetravit. Novi quoque eundem et 
presbyterum et episcopum, pro quibusdam energumenis pati- 
entibus ut oraret rogatum, eumque in oratione lacrimas fund- 

25 entem Deum rogasse, et daemones ab hominibus recessisse. 
Itemque ad aegrotantem et lecto vacantem quendam cum suo 
aegroto venisse, et rogavisse ut eidem manum imponeret, quo 

i eius omni A 6 deum BDFGH edd 10 constitutis CD*E edd 
famulantes D, fabulantibus C, confabulantibus E edd 15 ut sese 
om. CD, add. D*, ut me edd 16 cum eodem et om. C nos et nos- 
tri omnes et ipsi C edd., nos et nostri omnes ipsi E 17 fuerant civ- 
itate CDEFGH edd ig febribus] -ffatigatus edd. abcdeghjlmnoqr 
om. fatigatus no, 14 Praereptos 22 impetravit om. J 


mained in it during the whole time of the siege. Consequent- 
ly we very frequently conversed together and meditated on 
the awful judgments of God laid bare before our eyes, saying : 
"Righteous art thou, O Lord, and upright are thy judgments." 
And in our common grief, with groanings and tears, we be- 
sought the Father of mercies and the Lord of all consolation 
that He vouchsafe to sustain us in this tribulation. 


Augustine's last illness 

And it chanced at one time while we were seated with him at 
the table and were conversing together that he said to us : "I 
would have you know that in this time of our misfortune I 
ask this of God: either that He may be pleased to free this 
city which is surrounded by the foe, or if something else seems 
good in His sight, that He make His servants brave for en- 
during His will, or at least that He may take me from this 
world unto Himself." And when he had taught us these 
words, together with him we all joined in a like petition to 
God Most High, for ourselves and for all our fellow bishops 
and for the others who were in this city. And lo, in the 
third month of the siege he succumbed to fever and began to 
suffer in his last illness. In truth the Lord did not deprive 
His servant of the reward of his prayer. For what he asked 
with tears and prayers for himself and the city he obtained in 
due time. I know also that both while he was presbyter and 
bishop, when asked to pray for certain demoniacs, he entreated 
God in prayer with many tears and the demons departed from 
the men. In like manner when he was sick and confined to his 
bed there came a certain man with a sick relative and asked 
him to lay his hand upon him that he might be healed. But 


sanus esse posset, respondisse, si aliquid in his posset, sibi hoc 
utique primitus praestitisset : et ilium dixisse visitatum se fuisse 
sibique per somnium dictum esse: "Vade ad Augustinum 
episcopum, ut eidem manum imponat, et salvus erit." Quod 
5 dum comperisset, facere non distulit, et ilium infirmum con- 
tinuo Dominus sanum ab eodem discedere fecit. 


Consilium an hostibus adventantibus ex ecclesiis episcopis 
recedendum sit 

IO Interea reticendum minime est, cum memorati impenderent 
hostes, a sancto viro nostro coepiscopo Thiabensis 1 ecclesiae 
Honorato, 2 litteris fuisse consultum, utrumnam illis adventanti- 
bus ex ecclesiis episcopis vel clericis recedendum esset, necne. 
Eique rescriptis insinuasse quid magis ab illis Romaniae 3 ever- 

15 soribus 4 esset metuendum. Quam eius epistolam huic script- 
urae inseri volui, est enim sacerdotum Dei, et ministrorum 
moribus valde utilis et necessaria. 

"Sancto fratri et coepiscopo Honorato Augustinus in Domino 


20 i. Caritati tuae misso exemplo epistolae, 5 quam fratri Quod- 
vultdeo 6 nostro coepiscopo scripsi, putabam me hoc onere 
caruisse, quod mihi imposuisti, quaerendo consilium quid in 
his periculis, quae tempora nostra invenerunt, facere debeatis. 
Quamvis enim epistolam illam breviter scripserim, nihil me 

25 tamen praetermisisse arbitror, quod et respondenti dicere, et 

i eumque respondisse CDEFHJ edd 2 illud A 10 Interea 

140, 6 defecerunt om. J. Interea 140, n quadraginta om. H n 

viro] -j-quoque edd 13 ex om. AG 14 inserere CDFG edd 17 
necessaria] -f-isto modo rescriptum est ad eundem ab eodem DF edd. 
(hoc modo C) 18 patri A in domino om. AB 


Augustine answered that if he had any power in such things 
he would surely have applied it to himself first of all ; to which 
the stranger replied that he had had a vision and that in his 
dream these words had been addressed to him: "Go to the 
bishop Augustine that he may lay his hand upon him, and he 
shall be whole." Now when Augustine heard this he did not 
delay to do it and immediately God caused the sick man to 
depart from him healed. 


Advice on the withdrawal of bishops from the churches at the 
approach of a foe 

And now I must by no means pass over in silence the fact 
that when the above-mentioned enemy was threatening us, 
Augustine was consulted in letters by Honoratus, a holy man 
and our fellow-bishop of the church at Thiabe, as to whether 
or not the bishops or clergy should withdraw from the churches 
at their approach. In his reply he pointed out what was more 
to be feared from those destroyers of Romania. It is my de- 
sire to have that letter of his included in this account, for it is 
very useful, even necessary, for the proper conduct of the 
priests and ministers of God. 

"To our holy brother and fellow-bishop Honoratus, Augus- 
tine sends greeting in the Lord. 

i. I thought the copy which was sent to your Grace of the 
letter which I wrote our brother and fellow-bishop Quodvult- 
deus would relieve me of this task which you have laid upon 
me by asking my advice as to what you ought to do amid these 
perils which have befallen our times. For although I wrote 
that letter quickly, I nevertheless believe I omitted nothing 
that would suffice me to say in answering and him to know 


quaerenti audire sufficeret: quandoquidem dixi, nee eos esse 
prohibendos, qui ad loca, si possunt, migrare munita deside- 
rant; et ministerii nostri vincula, quibus nos Christi caritas 
alligavit, 7 ne deseramus ecclesias, quibus servire debemus, non 
5 esse rumpenda. Ista quippe verba sunt, quae in ilia epistola 
posui : Restat ergo, inquam, ut nos quorum ministerium quan- 
tulaecunque plebi Dei ubi sumus manenti ita necessarium est, 
ut sine hoc earn non oporteat remanere, dicamus Domino: 
Esto nobis in Deum protectorem et in locum munitum* 

10 2. Sed hoc consilium tibi propterea non sufficit, ut scribis, 
ne contra Domini praeceptum vel exemplum facere nitamur, 
ubi fugiendum esse de civitate in civitatem monet. Recolimus 
enim verba dicentis, Cum autem persequentur vos in civitate 
ista, fugite in aliam. 9 Quis autem credat ita hoc Dominum 

15 fieri voluisse, ut necessario ministerio, sine quo vivere neque- 
unt, desererentur greges, quos suo sanguine comparavit? 
Numquid hoc fecit ipse, quando portantibus parentibus in 
Aegyptum parvulus fugit, qui nondum ecclesias congregaverat, 
quas ab eo desertas fuisse dicamus? Numquid quando Apos- 

20 tolus Paulus, ne ilium comprehenderet inimicus per fenestram 
in sporta submissus est, et effugit manus eius, 10 deserta est 
quae ibi erat ecclesia necessario ministerio, et non ab aliis 
fratribus ibidem constitutis quod oportebat impletum est? 
Eis quippe volentibus hoc Apostolus fecerat, ut se ipsum ser- 

25 varet Ecclesiae, quern proprie persecutor ille quaerebat. Faci- 
ant ergo servi Christi, ministri verbi et sacramenti eius quod 
praecepit sive permisit. Fugiant omnino de civitate in civita- 

2 munita migrare CDEFG edd deserant A II nee A 16 de- 
serentur DG, deserantur BCEF edd 


who awaits my reply. For I said that those who desire to 
withdraw to places of safety, if they are able, should not be 
prevented, and that the ties of our ministry, by which the 
love of Christ has bound us not to desert the churches which 
we ought to serve, should not be broken. Here, then, are the 
very words which I wrote in that letter: 'If, therefore/ I 
said, 'our ministry is so needful to those people of God, how- 
ever few, who stay where we are, that they ought not to be 
left without it, it remains for us to pray to the Lord: "Be 
thou unto us a God, a protector and a place of refuge." ! 

2. But this advice, as you write, is not satisfactory to you, 
because you fear we may be striving to act against that com- 
mand and example of the Lord in which He teaches that we 
should flee from city to city. We recall the words which He 
said: 'But when they persecute you in this city, flee ye to 
another.' But who would believe that the Lord wished this 
to be done when the circumstances are such that the flocks, 
which He purchased with His own blood, should be abandoned 
by that necessary ministry without which they cannot live? 
Did He do this when as an infant He fled into Egypt, carried 
by His parents, when He had not yet assembled any congrega- 
tions which we could say were deserted by Him? When the 
Apostle Paul, that he might not be apprehended of his enemy, 
was let down through a window in a basket and escaped his 
hands, was any church there which was deserted when in need 
of his ministry? Was not that which was needful supplied 
by the other brethren dwelling there? Indeed it was at their 
request that the Apostle did this, that he might be spared to 
the Church, since he alone was sought by the persecutor. 
Therefore let the servants of Christ, the ministers of His 
Word and Sacrament, do as He has taught and permitted. 
Let them by all means flee from city to city when some one 


tern, quando eorum quisquam specialiter a persecutoribus 
quaeritur, ut ab aliis qui non ita requiruntur, non deseratur 
Ecclesia, sed praebeant cibaria conservis suis, quos aliter vi- 
vere non posse noverunt. Cum autem omnium, id est, episco- 
5 porum et clericorum et laicorum est commune periculum, hi 
qui aliis indigent, non deserantur ab his quibus indigent. Aut 
igitur ad loca munita omnes transeant ; aut qui habent rema- 
nendi necessitatem, non relinquantur ab eis, per quos illorum 
est ecclesiastica supplenda necessitas, ut aut pariter vivant, aut 
10 pariter sufferant, quod eos paterfamilias volet perpeti. 

3. Quod si contigerit, ut sive alii maius, alii minus, sive 
omnes aequaliter patiantur, qui eorum sint qui pro aliis pati- 
untur apparet, illi scilicet qui cum se possent talibus malis 
eripere fugiendo, ne aliorum necessitatem desererent, manere 

15 maluerunt. Hinc maxime probatur ilia caritas, quarn loannes 
apostolus commendat, dicens : Sicut Christus pro nobis animam 
suam posnit, sic et nos debemus animas pro fratribus ponere. 
Nam qui fugiunt, vel suis devincti necessitatibus fugere non 
possunt, si comprehensi patiuntur, pro se ipsis, non pro fratri- 

20 bus, utique patiuntur. Qui vero propterea patiuntur, quia 
fratres, qui eis ad Christianam salutem indigebanr, deserere 
noluerunt, sine dubio suas animas pro fratribus ponunt. 

4. Unde illud quod episcopum quemdam dixisse audivimus, 
"Si Dominus nobis imperavit fugam in eis persecutionibns, 

25 ubi potest f ructus esse martyrii ; quanto magis debemus fugere 
steriles passiones, quando est barbaricus et hostilis incursus?" 
verum est quidem et acceptabile, sed his quos ecclesiastici officii 

5 et clericorum] et ont. CF edd 7 ad locum uncti A u magis A, 

minus alii maius edd., alii maius om. E, alii minus om. C 12 patiantur 

BCD*, patientur F 16 animam suam pro nobis edd 18 Nam 

126, 18 ecclesia om. G 


of them in particular is sought by the persecutors, provided 
that the Church shall not be abandoned by the others who are 
not so persecuted, but that these may administer the food to 
their fellow-servants, who they know would otherwise be un- 
able to live. But when the danger is common to all, that is, to 
bishops, clergy and laymen, let those who are in need of others 
not be abandoned by those of whom they are in need. Ac- 
cordingly, either let them all withdraw to places of safety or 
else let not those who have a necessity for remaining be left 
by those through whom their ecclesiastical needs are supplied, 
so that they may either live together or suffer together what- 
ever their Father wishes them to endure. 

3. But if it should happen that some suffer more and others 
less, or if all suffer equally, it is evident that they suffer for 
others who, though they were able to escape such woes by 
flight, preferred to remain so as not to desert others in their 
time of need. In this especially is that love exemplified which 
the Apostle John commends, saying: 'As Christ laid down 
His life for us, so also ought we to lay down our lives for the 
brethren.' For if those who flee or those who are bound by 
their duties and are unable to flee if these are taken captive 
and suffer anything, they of course suffer for themselves, not 
for the brethren. But those who suffer because they are un- 
willing to forsake their brethren who have need of them for 
their Christian welfare, these undoubtedly lay down their 
lives for their brethren. 

4. Therefore that which we heard a certain bishop say, 
namely: 'If the Lord has bidden us to flee in those persecu- 
tions where we can obtain the reward of martyrdom, how 
much more ought we to avoid these fruitless sufferings when 
there is a hostile invasion of the barbarians?' is indeed true 
and acceptable, but only for those who are not held by the 


non tenent vincula. Nam qui clades hostiles ideo non fugit, 
cum possit effugere, ne deserat ministerium Christi, sine quo 
non possunt homines vel vivere vel fieri Christiani, maiorem 
caritatis invenit fructum, quam qui non propter fratres, sed 
5 propter se ipsum f ugiens atque comprehensus non negat Christ- 
um suscipitque martyrium. 

5. Quid est ergo quod in epistola tua priore posuisti? Dicis 
enim: "Si in ecclesiis persistendum est, quid simus nobis vel 
populo profuturi non video, nisi ut ante oculos nostros viri 

10 cadant, feminae constuprentur, incendantur ecclesiae, nos ipsi 
tormentis deficiamus, cum de nobis quaeritur quod non habe- 
mus." Potens est quidem Deus audire preces familiae suae, 
et haec, quae formidantur, avertere, nee ideo tamen propter 
ista, quae incerta sunt, debet esse nostri officii certa desertio, 

15 sine quo est plebi certa pernicies, non in rebus vitae huius, sed 
alterius quae incomparabiliter diligentius sollicitiusque curanda 
est. Nam si certa essent ista mala, quae timentur, ne in locis, 
in quibus sumus, forte contingant, prius inde fugerent omnes, 
propter quos ibi manendum est, et nos a manendi necessitate 

20 liberos redderent. Non enim quisquam est, qui dicat minis- 
tros manere oportere, ubi iam non fuerint quibus necesse sit 
ministrare. Ita quidam sancti episcopi de Hispania profuger- 
unt, prius plebibus partim fuga lapsis, partim peremptis, 
partim obsidione consumptis, partim captivitate dispersis: sed 

25 multo plures, illic manentibus propter quos manerent, sub 
eorundem periculorum densitate manserunt. Et si aliqui 
deseruerunt plebes suas, hoc est quod dicimus fieri non debere. 

3 fieri vel vivere CDEF edd 5 comprehensum A n in tormen- 
tis edd nostri officii esse edd 16 quae om. edd curanda est] 
curandae edd 22 quidam] CE edd., quidem ABDFG 


bonds of ecclesiastical duty. For when he who can escape does 
not flee from the onslaught of the enemy and so does not 
abandon the ministry of Christ, without which men could 
neither live a Christian life nor become Christians, he finds a 
greater reward of love than he who flees, not for his breth- 
ren's sake but for his own, and when taken captive does not 
deny Christ but suffers martyrdom. 

5. But what, then, is that which you wrote in your previous 
letter? For you say: 'If we must remain in the churches, I 
do not see what will be the advantage to us or to the people, 
except that men should be cut down before our very eyes, 
women outraged, churches burned, and we ourselves perish 
under torture when the things we have not are demanded of 
us/ God, indeed, is able to hear the prayers of His children 
and to ward off the things which they fear; yet even so we 
ought not, on account of that which is uncertain, to be guilty of 
that which is certain, namely, neglect of our ministrations. 
Without these the ruin of the people is certain, not in the 
things of this life, but of that other which must be cared for 
with incomparably greater devotion and anxiety. For if these 
evils were certain which we fear might come to pass in the 
places in which we are, all on whose account we ought to re- 
main would have fled before us, and so we should be freed 
from the necessity of remaining. For there is no one who 
says that ministers ought to remain where there are no longer 
any to whom it is necessary to minister. So indeed the holy 
bishops fled from Spain after the people had either fallen in 
flight, or had been slain or consumed in the siege or scattered 
in captivity. But many more bishops stayed amid the multi- 
tude of these dangers, because those on whose account they 
remained were staying there. And if some deserted their 
people, this is what we say ought not to be done. For such 


Neque enim tales ducti auctoritate divina, sed humano vel er- 
rore decepti vel timore sunt vincti. 

6. Cur enim sibi putant indifferenter obtemperandum esse 
praecepto, ubi legunt in civitatem de civitate esse f ugiendum ; 12 
5 et mercenarium non exhorrent, qui videt lupum venientem et 
f ugit, quoniam non est ei cura de ovibus ? 18 Cur non istas duas 
dominicas verasque sententias, unam scilicet ubi fuga sinitur 
aut iubetur, alteram ubi arguitur atque culpatur, sic intelligere 
student, ut inter se reperiantur non esse contrariae, sicut non 

10 sunt? Et hoc quomodo reperitur, nisi attendatur quod iam 
superius disputavi, tune de locis, in quibus sumus, premente 
persecutione fugiendum esse Christi ministris, quando ibi plebs 
Christi non fuerit, cui ministretur, aut potest implere per alios 
necessarium ministerium, quibus eadem non est causa fugien- 

15 di: sicut in sporta submissus, quod supra memoravi, 14 fugit 
Apostolus, cum a persecutore ipse proprie quaereretur, aliis 
utique necessitatem similem non habentibus, a quibus illic 
ministerium absit ut desereretur ecclesia; sicut fugit sanctus 
Athanasius 15 Alexandrinus episcopus, cum eum specialiter ap- 

20 prehendere Constantius 10 praeceperat Imperator, nequaquam 
a ceteris ministris deserta plebe Catholica, quae in Alexandria 
commanebat. Cum autem plebs manet, et ministri fugiunt 
ministeriumque subtrahitur, quid erit nisi mercenariorum ilia 
fuga damnabilis, quibus non est cura de ovibus? Veniet enim 

25 lupus, non homo, sed diabolus; qui plerumque fideles apostatas 
esse persuasit, quibus quotidianum ministerium Dominici cor- 

i docti BCDF edd., om. E 2 victi BCDEF edd 4 praecepto 

esse om. E de civitate in civitatem B edd., in civitatem legunt de 
civitate CF, in civitatem legunt esse D n hunc A 12 ibi]-faut 
BCDF edd 13 aut]+etiam fuerit et edd impleri BCDEF edd 
16 proprie ipse edd 122, 18 Nam 18 ecclesia om. G 20 prae- 
ceperat] cuperet BCDEF G edd. 


were not led by divine authority, but were deceived by human 
error or constrained by fear. 

6. For why do they think they should without discrimination 
obey the command which they read to flee from city to city, 
and do not tremble at the parable of the hireling who sees the 
wolf coming and flees because he cares not for the sheep? 
Why do they not endeavor so to understand these two con- 
sistent teachings of the Lord the one, indeed, where flight is 
permitted or even commanded, the other where it is denounced 
and censured that they be discovered not to be contrary to 
each other, as, in fact, they are not? And how shall this be 
discovered unless attention be given to that which I have dis- 
cussed above, namely, that we ministers of Christ, under the 
stress of persecution, should flee from the places in which we 
are only when there are no Christians there to whom to min- 
ister, or when the necessary duties of the ministry can be per- 
formed by others who have not the same reason for flight as 
the Apostle fled, let down in a basket, as I have mentioned 
above, when he alone was sought out by the persecutor while 
the others did not have any such need for flight, so that the 
services of the ministry were not withdrawn there nor the 
churches abandoned ; as the holy Athanasius, Bishop of Alex- 
andria, fled when the Emperor Constantius desired to appre- 
hend him alone, while the Catholic people who remained in 
Alexandria were by no means deserted by the other ministers. 
But when the people remain and the ministers flee and the 
service of the ministry is withdrawn, what will this be but 
that damnable flight of hirelings who care not for the sheep? 
For the wolf shall come, not a man, but the Devil, who has 
very frequently induced the faithful to apostatize who were 
deprived of the daily ministry of the Lord's body; and not 


poris defuit; et peribit infirmus non in tua conscientia, sed 
ignorantia frater, propter quern Christus mortuus est. 17 

7. Quod autem ad eos attinet, qui in hac re non falluntur 
errore, sed formidine superantur, quare non potins contra 
5 suum timorem Domino miserante atque adiuvante fortiter 
dimicant, ne mala sine comparatione graviora, quae multo 
amplius sunt tremenda, contingant? Fit hoc ubi caritas Dei 
flagrat, non mundi cupiditas fumat. Caritas enim dicit : Quis 
infirmatur, et ego non infirmor? Quis scandalizatur, et ego 

10 non urorf Sed caritas ex Deo est. Oremus ergo ut ab illo 
detur, a quo iubetur. 19 Et per hanc magis timeamus, ne oves 
Christi spiritalis nequitiae gladio in corde, quam ne ferro in 
corpore trucidentur, ubi quandocunque quocunque mortis gen- 
ere morituri sunt. Magis timeamus ne sensu interiori cor- 

15 rupto, pereat castitas fidei, quam ne feminae violenter constu- 
prentur in carne. Quia violentia non violatur pudicitia, si 
mente servatur: quoniam nee in carne violatur, quando vo- 
luntas patientis sua turpiter carne non utitur, sed sine con- 
sensione tolerat quod alius operatur. 20 Magis timeamus ne 

20 lapides vivi exstinguantur deserentibus nobis, quam ne lapides 
et ligna terrenorum aedificiorum incendantur praesentibus no- 
bis. Magis timeamus ne membra corporis Christi 21 destituta 
spiritali victu necentur, quam [ne] membra corporis nostri 
oppressa hostili impetu torqueantur. Non quia ista non sunt 

25 vitanda cum possunt; sed quia potius ferenda sunt, quando 
vitari sine impietate non possunt: nisi forte quisquam conten- 
derit non esse ministrum impium, qui tune subtrahit ministe- 
rium pietati necessarium, quando magis est necessarium. 

i in tua non scientia BDEFG edd., in tua non conscientia CD* 
7 dei caritas BDFG edd 9 non ego bis edd., ego primum et non 
secundum om. A 22 Christi] nostri CD* 23 quam]+ne CG edd. 

membra corporis nostri om. C 27 impium ministerium om. A 

28 quando necessarium om. A 


through thy knowledge, but through thine ignorance shall the 
weak brother perish, for whom Christ died. 

7. But as for those who are not deceived by error in this 
matter, but are overcome by terror, why should they not 
rather, with the mercy and aid of the Lord, bravely struggle 
against their fright, lest incomparably greater and more fear- 
ful evils come upon them? This will be the case where the 
love of God is aflame, not where the desire of this world 
smoulders. For love says : 'Who is weak and I am not weak ? 
Who is offended and I burn not?' And love is from God. 
Let us pray, therefore, that this love be given of Him by 
whom it is commanded. And because of it let us fear that the 
sheep of Christ, who will die at some time by some kind of 
death, may be slain in heart by the sword of spiritual wicked- 
ness rather than in the body by one of iron. Let us rather fear 
that the inner sense may be corrupted and the purity of faith 
perish than that women be forcibly defiled in body. For chas- 
tity is not destroyed in the body when the will of the sufferer 
does not shamefully take part in the deeds of the flesh, but 
without consenting endures another's violence. Rather let us 
fear that the living stones may be destroyed while we are 
absent than that the stones and wood of the earthly buildings 
may be burned while we are present. Rather let us fear that 
the members of Christ's body may be destroyed when deprived 
of spiritual nourishment than that the members of our body 
may be put to torture when overpowered by the attack of the 
enemy. Not that these things are not to be avoided when pos- 
sible, but rather that they are to be endured when they cannot 
be avoided without impiety unless, perchance, someone will 
maintain that the minister is not impious who withdraws his 
ministry which is needful for piety at the time when it is most 


8. An non cogitamus, cum ad istorum periculorum perveni- 
tur extrema, nee est potestas ulla f ugiendi, quantus in ecclesia 
fieri soleat ab utroque sexu, atque ab omni aetate concursus, 
aliis baptismum flagitantibus, aliis reconciliationem, aliis etiam 
5 poenitentiae ipsius actionem, omnibus consolationem et sacra- 
mentorum confectionem et erogationem? ' Ubi si ministri 
desint, quantum exitium sequitur eos qui de isto seculo vel non 
regenerati exeunt, vel ligati? Quantus est etiam luctus fide- 
Hum suorum, qui eos secum in vitae aeternae requiem non 

*o habebunt? Quantus denique gemitus omnium et quorundam 
quanta blasphemia de absentia ministeriorum et ministrorum? 
Vide quid faciat malorum temporalium timor, et quanta in eo 
sit malorum acquisitio aeternorum. Si autem ministri adsint, 
pro viribus quas eis Dominus subministrat, omnibus subveni- 

X 5 tur; alii baptizantur, alii reconciliantur, nulli Dominici corporis 
communione fraudantur, omnes consolantur, aedificantur, ex- 
hortantur, ut Deum rogent, qui potens est omnia quae timentur 
avertere ; parati ad utrumque, ut si non potest ab eis calix iste 
transire, fiat voluntas eius, 22 qui mali aliquid non potest velle. 

20 9. Certe iam vides quod te scripseras non videre, quantum 
boni consequantur populi Crjristiani, si in praesentibus malis 
non eis desit praesentia ministrorum Christi, quorum vides 
etiam quantum obsit absentia, dum sua quaerunt non quae 
lesu Christi ; 28 nee habent illam de qua dictum est : Non quae- 

25 rit quae sua sunt; 2 * nee imitantur eum qui dixit: Non quae- 
rens quod mihi utile est, sed quod multis, ut salvi fiant Qui 
etiam persecutoris principis illius insidias non fugisset, nisi se 

9 requie BC edd., m eras. E 13 acquisito malorum BCDEFG edd 
25 nee] non A 26 est om. edd,., sit E 


8. Or when these dangers have reached their height and 
there is no possibility of flight, do we not realize how great 
a gathering there usually is in the church of both sexes and 
of every age, some clamoring for baptism, others for recon- 
ciliation, still others for acts of penance: all of them seeking 
consolation and the administration and distribution of the sac- 
raments ? If, then, the ministers are not at hand, how terrible 
is the destruction which overtakes those who depart from this 
world unregenerated or bound by sin ! How great is the grief 
of their brethren in the faith who shall not have their com- 
panionship in the rest in the life eternal! Finally how great 
the lamentation of all and how great the blasphemy of some 
because of the absence of the ministers and their ministry! 
See what the fear of temporal evils does and how great an in- 
crease of eternal woes results. But if the ministers are present 
they are a help to all, according to the strength which the Lord 
gives them : some are baptized, others are reconciled, none are 
deprived of the communion of the body of the Lord, all are 
consoled, edified and exhorted to ask of God, who hath the 
power to avert all the things they fear prepared for either 
issue, so that if that cup may not pass from them, His will 
may be done who can will no evil. 

9. Surely you now see that which you wrote you did not 
see, namely, how great advantage Christian people may ob- 
tain if in these present evils they are not deprived of the pres- 
ence of Christ's ministers, and you also see how much injury 
their absence does when they seek their own, not the things 
which are of Jesus Christ, and have not that love of which it 
was said: 'She seeketh not her own,' and do not imitate him 
who said : 'Seeking not mine own profit, but the profit of many, 
that they may be saved.' For he also would not have fled 
from the snares of that persecuting prince had he not wished 


aliis quibus necessarius erat, servare voluisset. Propter quod 
ait : Compellor autem ex duobus concupiscentiam habens, dis- 
solvi et esse cum Christo, multo magis enim optimum; manere 
in came necessarium propter vos. 

5 10. Hie fortasse quis dicat, ideo debere fugere Dei ministros 
talibus imminentibus malis, ut se pro utilitate Ecclcsiae temp- 
oribus tranquillioribus servant. Recte hoc fit a quibusdam, 
quando non desunt alii, per quos suppleatur ecclesiasticum 
ministerium, ne ab omnibus deseratur ; quod fecisse Athanas- 

10 ium supra diximus. 27 Nam quantum necessarium fuerit Ec- 
clesiae, quantumque profuerit, quod vir ille mansit in carne, 
Catholica fides novit, quae adversus Arianos haereticos ore 
illius et amore defensa est. Sed quando est commune pericu- 
lum, magisque timendum est, ne quisquam id facere credatur, 

15 non consulendi voluntate, sed timore moriendi, magisque fugi- 
endi obsit exemplo, quam vivendi prosit officio, nulla ratione 
faciendum est. Denique sanctus David, ne se committeret 
periculis praeliorum, et fortassis extingueretur, sicut ibi dic- 
tum est, lucerna Israel?* a suis hoc petentibus sumpsit, non 

20 ipse praesumpsit; alioquin multos imitatores fecisset ignaviae, 
qui eum crederent hoc fecisse non consideratione utilitatis 
aliorum, sed suae perturbatione formidinis. 

ii. Occurrit autem alia quaestio, quam contemnere non 
debemus. Si enim haec utilitas negligenda non est, ut aliqui 

25 ministri propterea fugiant imminente aliqua vastitate, ut ser- 
ventur qui ministerent eis, quos post illam cladem residuos 
potuerint invenire, quid fiet ubi omnes videntur interituri, nisi 
aliqui fugiant ? Quid si enim hactenus sit evicta ilia pernicies, 

3 enim magis BCDFG, enim om. E edd manere] -(-autem BCDEF 
edd 5 forte edd fugere debere CF, dei ministros fugere edd 

9 ab hominibus A 10 supra necessarium om. E ecclesiae 

profuerit om. E n fuerit A 16 absit A 17 fugiendum A 18 
scriptum CDF 24 enim si Sal 28 sit evicta] saeviat BCDEFG edd 


to save himself for others who had greater need of him. 
Wherefore he says : 'For I am in a strait betwixt two, having 
a desire to depart and be with Christ, which is better; never- 
theless to abide in the flesh is more needful for you/ 

10. At this point someone perchance may say that the min- 
isters of God ought to flee when such dangers are threatening 
so that they may save themselves for the benefit of the Church 
in more peaceful times. This is right for some when others 
are not lacking to provide the ministrations of the Church, 
that it may not be deserted by all, as we have said above that 
Athanasius did. For the Catholic faith, which was defended 
against the Arian heretics by his voice and zeal, perceived how 
needful it was and how profitable it would be to have him 
abide in the flesh. But when the peril is common and it is 
more to be feared that someone may be thought to do this not 
from a desire of serving, but from a fear of dying, and when 
more harm may be done by the example of fleeing than good 
by the obligation of living, it should under no circumstances 
be done. Finally the holy David, that he might not be exposed 
to the dangers of battle and that the 'light of Israel/ as it is 
there written, should not by any chance be extinguished, with- 
drew when his followers demanded it, but he did not do this 
of his own accord or he would have had many imitators of his 
cowardice, who would have believed that he did it not from 
any consideration of the advantage of others but from the 
confusion of his own fear. 

n. But another question arises which we ought not to slight. 
For if this usefulness is not to be disregarded so that some 
ministers should flee when any danger is imminent in order to 
be saved to minister to those survivors whom they might be 
able to find after the disaster, what should be done where all 
seem sure to perish unless some flee ? What if the persecution 


ut solos ministros Ecclesiae persequatur? Quid dicemus? An 
relinquenda est a ministris fugientibus Ecclesia, ne a morienti- 
bus miserabilius relinquatur? Sed si laici non quaeruntur ad 
mortem, possunt occultare quoquo modo episcopos et clericos 
5 suos, sicut ille adiuverit, in cuius potestate sunt omnia, qui 
potest et non fugientes permirabili conservare potentia. Sed 
ideo quaerimus quid nos facere debeamus, ne in omnibus ex- 
spectando divina miracula tentare Dominum iudicemur. Non 
quidem talis est ista tempestas, quando laicorum et clericorum 

lo est commune periculum, sicut in navi una commune periculum 
est mercatorum atque nautarum. Verum absit ut tanti pend- 
enda sit haec navis nostra, ut debeant earn nautae, et maxime 
gubernator, periclitantem deserere, etiam si in scapham transi- 
liendo vel etiam natando possint effugere. Quibus enim me- 

15 tuimus ne nostra desertione pereant, non temporalem mortem, 
quae quandoque ventura est, sed aeternam, quae potest, si non 
caveatur, venire, et potest, si caveatur, etiam non venire, me- 
tuimus. In communi autem periculo vitae huius cur existime- 
mus ubicunque fuerit hostilis incursus, omnes clericos et non 

20 etiam omnes laicos esse morituros, ut simul finiant hanc vitam, 
cui sunt clerici necessarii? aut cur non speremus sicut aliquos 
laicos, sic etiam clericos remansuros, a quibus eis necessarium 
ministerium valeat exhiberi? 

12. Quamquam [o si] inter Dei ministros inde sit discep- 

25 tatio, qui eorum maneant, ne fuga omnium, et qui eorum 
fugiant, ne morte omnium deseratur Ecclesia! Tale quippe 
certamen erit inter eos, ubi utrique ferveant caritate, et utrique 

6 fugientem edd., morientes E per mirabilem conservare poten- 
tiam BCDEFG edd 8 deum A*D 16 ventura sit A 18 existi- 
mamus D* edd., resistamus C, exestimus F 21 laicos aliquos edd., 
aliquos om. CD*F 24 o si inter G edd., si inter BCDEF, hos inter 
A. cf. et o si fatigentur et o si viderent Con/. IX iv 10. quamquam 
o si adesset Virg. Aen. XI 415 26 forte EG 


should in so far be overcome as to pursue only the ministers 
of the Church? What shall we say? Shall the Church be 
forsaken by its ministers in flight that it may not be forsaken 
more wretchedly by them in death ? But if the laymen are not 
persecuted to the death, they can in some way or other hide 
their bishops and clergy, as He shall aid, in whose control are 
all things, who is able by His marvelous power to save even 
those who do not flee. But we are inquiring what we ought to 
do in order that we be not adjudged as tempting God by look- 
ing for divine miracles in all things. Certainly this storm in 
which the danger is common to laymen and clergy is not the 
same as that in which the danger is common to merchants and 
sailors in the same ship. God forbid that this ship of ours 
should be prized so lightly that the sailors, and especially the 
pilot, ought to abandon it when it is in danger, even if they 
can escape by taking to a small boat or even by swimming. 
For in the case of those who we fear may perish because of 
our desertion, it is not their temporal death we fear, which 
is sure to come at some time, but their eternal death which 
can come if we are not careful and which cannot come if we 
are careful. But in the common perils of this life, why should 
we believe that wherever there is a hostile invasion all the 
clergy, and not all the laymen also, are going to perish so that 
those for whom the clergy are necessary shall all end this life 
together? Or why should we not expect that as some of the 
laymen shall survive, so also shall some of the clergy, by whom 
the necessary ministry may be provided for them? 

12. Yet O that the rivalry between the ministers of God 
were as to which of them should remain that the Church be 
not abandoned by the flight of all, and which of them should 
flee that it be not abandoned by the death of all! Such, in- 
deed, will be the rivalry among them when both are kindled 


placeant caritati. Quae disceptatio si aliter non potuerit ter- 
minari, quantum mini videtur, qui maneant et qui fugiant, 
sorte legendi sunt. Qui enim dixerint se potius fugere debere, 
aut timidi videbuntur, quia imminens malum sustinere nolue- 
5 runt ; aut arrogantes, quia se magis qui servandi essent, neces- 
saries Ecclesiae iudicarunt. Deinde fortassis hi, qui meliores 
sunt, eligant pro fratribus animas ponere; et hi servabuntur 
fugiendo, quorum est minus utilis vita, quia minor consulendi 
et gubernandi peritia. Qui tamen, si pie sapiunt, contradicent 

10 eis, quos vident et vivere potius oportere, et magis mori malle, 
quam fugere. Ideo sicut scriptum est: Contradictories sedat 
sortitio, et inter potentes definit. Melius enim Deus in huius- 
cemodi ambagibus, quam homines iudicant, sive dignetur ad 
passionis fructum vocare meliores, et parcere infirmis, sive 

15 istos facere ad mala perferenda fortiores, et huic vitae sub- 
trahere, quorum non potest Ecclesiae tantum quantum illorum 
vita prodesse. Res quidem fiet minus usitata, si fiat ista sorti- 
tio; sed si facta fuerit, quis earn reprehendere audebit? Quis 
non earn nisi imperitus, aut invidus, congrua praedicatione 

20 laudabit? Quod si non placet facere, cuius facti non occurrit 
exemplum, nullus fuga faciat ut Ecclesiae ministerium, max- 
ime in tantis periculis necessarium ac debitum, desit. Nemo 
accipiat personam suam, ut si aliqua gratia videtur excellere, 
ideo se dicat vita, et ob hoc fuga esse digniorem. Quisquis 

25 enim hoc putat nimium sibi placet: quisquis autem etiam hoc 
dicit, omnibus displicet. 

3 eligendi CDF, elegendi E 6 ii edd 7 eligunt C, eligent edd 
8 consolendi AG, consulendo F 13 iudicat CDFG edd 16 del 
ecclesiae edd 21 nullius CDEFG edd fugam BG 23 excipiat 
Ben. Mi 


by love and both obey love. And if this argument cannot be 
otherwise settled, so far as I can see, those who should remain 
and those who should flee must be chosen by lot. For those 
who shall say that they ought rather to flee will either seem to 
be afraid because they are unwilling to endure the threaten- 
ing danger, or presumptuous in that they judge themselves 
more necessary to the Church to fulfill its services. Further- 
more, peradventure those who are the better may choose to 
lay down their lives for the brethren and those will be saved 
by flight whose life is less useful by reason of their inferior 
ability in counsel and government. Nevertheless those who 
are good and wise will oppose those who they see ought rather 
to live and who yet choose to die rather than flee. Thus, as 
it is written : 'The lot causeth contentions to cease and parteth 
between the mighty/ For in difficulties of this sort God is 
a better judge than men as to whether it is well to call the 
more gifted to the reward of martyrdom and to spare the weak 
or whether to make them stronger to endure the hardships and 
to take them out of this world whose lives cannot be of as 
much advantage to the Church as the lives of the others. The 
procedure will indeed be rather unusual if the lot has to be 
adopted; but if it has been used who shall presume to call it 
into question? Who, except he be ignorant or envious, will 
not praise it with fitting commendation? But if this method 
is not found satisfactory on the ground that no instance of 
such a procedure occurs, let no one by his flight cause the 
ministration of the Church, especially needful and due amid 
such great perils, to cease. Let no one regard his own person, 
so that if he seem to excel in some grace, he should on this 
account say he is more deserving of life and therefore of 
flight. For whoever thinks this doubtless pleases himself; 
but whoever also says this, displeases all. 


13. Sunt sane qui arbitrantur episcopos et clericos non fugi- 
entes in talibus periculis, sed manentes, facere ut plebes de- 
cipiantur, cum ideo non f ugiunt, quia manere suos praepositos 
cernunt. Sed facile est hanc reprehensionem vel invidiam de- 

5 vitare, alloquendo easdem plebes, atque dicendo: 'Non vos 
decipiat, quod de loco isto non fugimus. Non enim propter 
nos, sed propter vos potius hie manemus, ne vobis non minis- 
tremus quidquid saluti vestrae, quae in Christo est, 80 novimus 
necessarium. Si ergo fugere volueritis, et nos ab istis, quibus 

IO tenemur, vinculis solvistis.' Quod tune puto esse dicendum, 
quando vere videtur utile esse ad loca tutiora migrare. Quo 
audito si vel omnes vel aliqui dixerint: 'In illius potestate 
sumus, cuius iram nullus quocunque vadit, evadit, et cuius 
misericordiam, ubicunque sit, potest invenire, qui nusquam 

X 5 vult ire, sive certis necessitatibus impeditus, sive laborare no- 
lens ad incerta suffugia, et non ad finienda, sed ad mutanda 
pericula/ procul dubio isti deserendi non sunt ministerio Chris- 
tiano. Si autem hoc audito abire maluerint, nee illis manen- 
dum qui propter illos manebant ; quia ibi iam non sunt propter 

20 quos manere adhuc debeant. 

14. Quicunque igitur isto modo fugit, ut ecclesiae necessa- 
rium ministerium illo fugiente non desit, facit quod Dominus 
praecepit sive permisit. Qui autem sic fugit, ut gregi Christi 
ea, quibus spiritaliter vivit, alimenta subtrahantur, mercenarius 

25 est ille qui videt lupum venientem, et fugit, quoniam non est 
ei cura de ovibus. 81 

Haec tibi, quia me consuluisti, frater dilectissime, quia ex- 
istimavi veritate et certa caritate rescripsi; sed meliorem si 

4 responsionem edd declinare E edd 10 solvitis DEFG, solutis 

E* isetom.edd 15 sive impeditus om. B 18 manendum est 

BCDEFG edd 22 ministerio A, om. C 25 ille est BCDEFG edd 
27 quoniam G, qua BCD edd., quae F 28 sed meliorem si inveneris ne 
sequaris sententiam CD* (nos sequaris D, non E, sententia F), sed ne 
meliorem si sequaris sententiam BG (inveneris edd.} 


13. To be sure there are those who believe that when the 
bishops and clergy do not flee amid such dangers but remain, 
they deceive the people, since the people do not flee because 
they see their bishops remaining. But it is easy to avoid this 
accusation or reproach by speaking to the people and saying: 
'Be not deceived because we do not flee from this place. For 
we are remaining here not for our own sakes but rather for 
yours that we may not fail to provide you with whatever we 
know to be needful for your salvation which is in Christ. If, 
therefore, you wish to flee you will free us from the bonds by 
which we are held/ This I think should be said when it seems 
truly expedient to withdraw to places of greater safety. And 
when such words have been heard and all or some shall have 
said: 'We are in His power whose wrath no one escapes, 
wheresoever he may go, and whose mercy he can find, where- 
soever he may be who does not wish to go elsewhere, whether 
prevented by certain obligations or unwilling to seek places of 
uncertain refuge, thus not ending but merely trans fering the 
dangers,' surely they must not be forsaken by the Christian 
ministry. But if the people prefer to leave when they have 
heard this, the ministers are not bound to stay who were re- 
maining on their account, because there are no longer any 
persons there for whose sake they ought still to remain. 

14. Accordingly, whoever flees under such circumstances 
that the necessary ministry of the Church is not lacking be- 
cause of his flight, does as the Lord commands or permits. 
But whoever so flees that he deprives the flock of Christ of 
that nourishment from which it has its spiritual life, is an 
hireling who sees the wolf coming and flees because he cares 
not for the sheep. 

These things, since I believe them, my brother most be- 
loved, have I written to you in truth and love unfeigned be- 


invenis, sententiae non praescripsi. Melius tamen quod in his 
periculis faciamus, invenire non possumus, quam orationes ad 
Dominum Deum nostrum, ut misereatur nostri. Quod ipsum, 
ut scilicet ecclesias non desererent, Dei dono nonnulli prudentes 
5 et sancti viri et velle et facere meruerunt, et inter dentes ob- 
trectantium a sui propositi intentione minime defecerunt." 

Mors et sepultura 

Sane ille sanctus in vita sua prolixa pro utilitate ac felicitate 

10 sanctae Ecclesiae divinitus condonata (nam vixit annis septua- 
ginta sex, in clericatu autem vel episcopatu annis ferme quad- 
raginta 1 ) dicere nobis inter familiaria colloquia consueverat, 
post perceptum baptismum etiam laudatos Christianos et sacer- 
dotes absque digna et competenti poenitentia exire de corpore 

15 non debere. Quod et ipse fecit ultima qua defunctus est aegri- 
tudine: nam sibi iusserat Psalmos Davidicos, qui sunt paucis- 
simi de poenitentia 2 scribi, ipsosque quaterniones iacens in 
lecto contra parietem positos diebus suae innrmitatis intueba- 
tur et legebat, et ubertim ac iugiter flebat: et ne intentio eius 

20 a quoquam impediretur, ante dies ferme decem quam exiret 
de corpore, a nobis postulavit praesentibus, ne quisquam ad 
eum ingrederetur, nisi his tantum horis, quibus medici ad in- 
spiciendum intrabant, vel cum ei refectio inferretur. Et ita 
observatum et factum est, et omni illo tempore orationi vaca- 

25 bat. Verbum Dei usque ad ipsam suam extremam aegritud- 
inem impraetermisse, 3 alacriter et fortiter, sana mente sanoque 
consilio in ecclesia praedicavit. Membris omnibus sui corporis 

i perscripsi DF 4 scilicet] -fdei edd 118, 10 Interea 6 defece- 
runt ont. J 10 ecclesiae] -Katholicae D edd., catholici F, sanctae ac 
catholicae ecclesiae C. Q om. catholicae nam vixit] ABCDEFGJQ 
bceghjklnopqr, nam ont. edd septuaginta sex] ABCDFJbegklmnopq, 
sex om. c, LXXVI EGhjr, septuaginta et sex edd 118, 10 Interea 
....II quadraginta om. H 12 dicere] -J-autem edd 19 iugiter ac 
ubertim edd 21 quis BCDEFGHJ edd 22 iis edd 23 intrarent 
C edd. Q exhibet intrabant 24 ac factum edd 


cause you have asked my advice, but I make no objection to 
a better opinion if you find one. Nevertheless we can find 
nothing better to do in these dangers than to pray to the Lord 
our God that He have mercy upon us. And some wise and 
holy men, with the help of God, have been enabled to will and 
to do this much, namely not to desert the churches, and in the 
face of detraction not to waver in maintaining their purpose." 

Death and burial 

Now the holy man in his long life given of God for the bene- 
fit and happiness of the holy Church (for he lived seventy-six 
years, almost forty of which he spent as a priest or bishop), 
in private conversations frequently told us that even after 
baptism had been received exemplary Christians and priests 
ought not depart from this life without fitting and appropriate 
repentance. And this he himself did in his last illness of which 
he died. For he commanded that the shortest penitential 
Psalms of David should be copied for him, and during the 
days of his sickness as he lay in bed he would look at these 
sheets as they hung upon the wall and read them ; and he wept 
freely and constantly. And that his attention might not be 
interrupted by anyone, about ten days before he departed from 
the body he asked of us who were present that no one should 
come in to him, except only at the hours in which the physi- 
cians came to examine him or when nourishment was brought 
to him. This, accordingly, was observed and done, and he 
had all that time free for prayer. Up to the very moment of 
his last illness he preached the Word of God in the church 
incessantly, vigorously and powerfully, with a clear mind and 
sound judgment. With all the members of his body intact, 


incolumis, integro aspectu atque auditu, et, ut scriptum est, 4 
nobis astantibus et videntibus et orantibus, dormivit cum patri- 
bus suis, enutritus in bona senectute: et nobis coram pro eius 
commendanda corporis depositione, sacrificium Deo oblatum 
5 est, et sepultus est. Testamentum nullum fecit, quia unde 
faceret pauper Dei non habuit. Ecclesiae bibliothecam omnes- 
que codices diligenter posteris custodiendos semper iubebat. 
Si quid vero ecclesia vel in sumptibus, vel in ornamentis hab- 
uit, fidei presbyteri, qui sub eodem domus ecclesiae curam gere- 

10 bat, dimisit. Nee suos consanguineos, vel in proposito vel 
extra constitutes, in sua vita et morte vulgi more tractavit. 
Quibus cum adhuc superesset, id si opus fuit quod et ceteris 
erogavit, non ut divitias haberent, sed ut aut non aut minus 
egerent. Clerum sufficientissimum, et monasteria virorum ac 

15 feminarum continentibus cum suis praepositis plena Ecclesiae 
dimisit, una cum bibliotheca et libris tractatus vel suos vel 
aliorum sanctorum habentibus, in quibus dono Dei qualis quan- 
tusque in Ecclesia fuerit noscitur, et his semper vivere a fideli- 
bus invenitur. luxta quod etiam secularium [quidam] poeta 

20 iubens quo sibi tumulum mortuo in aggere publico collocarent, 
programmate fixit, dicens, 

Vivere post obitum vates vis nosse viator? 
Quod legis ecce loquor, vox tua nempe mea est. 5 

Et in suis quidem scriptis ille Deo acceptus et carus sacerdos, 

25 quantum lucente veritate videre conceditur, recte ac sane, 

fidei, spei et caritatis Catholicae Ecclesiae vixisse manifestatur, 

2 et videntibus et orantibus om. EJhn cum eo pariter orantibus 
H edd. LMNOPbcdegjklmopqr om. cum eo pariter dormivit] -fin 
pace H, obdormivit CDF edd 3 et nutritus DFJ, enutritus om. N 
5 sepultus est]+vixit autem annis LXXVI in clericatu vero vel episcopa- 
tu annis ferme XL H 10 dimisit] hie disinit J 12 dum BCDE* 
FGH edd., quibusdam E 15 continentium E Sal., contin// F 16 
bibliothecis libros et tracatus BCD*EFGH edd., libris D 18 in his 
BCDEFG edd 19 quidam] BCDEFGH edd., om. A poetarum B 
edd 20 suis iubens CDEFH edd., sui G 21 programmate] ABDEG 
Hbcdeghjkmnop, pragrammate r, programatice F, epigrammate C, pro 
epigrammate p* edd finxit G edd 22 vatem BCDEFGH edd 24 
acceptus est carus A 


with sight and hearing unimpaired, while we stood by and 
watched and prayed, "he slept with his fathers," as it is written, 
"well-nourished in a good old age." And in our presence, after 
a service was offered to God for the peaceful repose of his 
body, he was buried. He made no will, because as a poor 
man of God he had nothing from which to make it. He re- 
peatedly ordered that the library of the church and all the 
books should be carefully preserved for future generations. 
Whatever the church had in the way of possessions or orna- 
ments he left in charge of his presbyter, who had the care of 
the church building under his direction. Neither in life nor 
death did he treat his relatives according to the general cus- 
tom, whether they observed his manner of life or not. But 
while he was still living, whenever there was need he gave to 
them the same as he gave others, not that they should have 
riches, but that they might not be in want, or at least might 
be less in want. He left to the Church a fully sufficient body 
of clergy and monasteries of men and women with their con- 
tinent overseers, together with the library and books contain- 
ing treatises of his own and of other holy men. By the help 
of God, one may find therein how great he was in the Church 
and therein the faithful may always find him living. Where- 
fore also a secular poet, who directed that a monument be 
erected to himself in a public place after his death, composed 
this as an inscription, saying: 

Wouldst know that poets live again, O traveller, after death? 
These words thou readest, lo, I speak! Thy voice is but my 

From his writing assuredly it is manifest that this 
priest, beloved and acceptable to God, lived uprightly and 
soberly in the faith, hope and love of the Catholic Church in 


atque eum de divinis scribentem legentes proficiunt. Sed ego 
arbitror plus ex eo proficere potuisse, qui eum et loquentem 
in ecclesia praesentem audire et videre potuerunt, et eius prae- 
sertim inter homines conversationem non ignoraverunt. Erat 
5 enim non solum eruditus scriba in regno coelorum, de thesauro 
suo proferens nova et vetera, 6 et unus negotiatorum, qui in- 
venta pretiosa margarita, quae habebat venditis, comparavit, 7 
verum etiam ex his ad quos scriptum est : Sic loquimini, et sic 
facite: 8 et de quibus Salvator dicit : Qui fecerit et docuerit sic 

IO homines, hie magnus vocabitur in regno coelorum. 9 

Peto autem impendio vestram caritatem, qui haec scripta 
legitis, ut mecum omnipotenti Deo gratias agatis, Dominum 
qui benedicatis, qui mihi tribuit intellectum, ut haec in notitiam 
et praesentium et absentium praesentis temporis et futuri 

15 hominum, et vellem deferre et valuissem: et mecum ac pro me 
oretis, ut illius quondam viri, cum quo ferme annis quadra- 
ginta Dei dono absque amara ulla dissensione familiariter ac 
dulciter vixi, et in hoc seculo aemulator et imitator exsistam, 
et in future omnipotentis Dei promissis cum eodem perfruar. 

20 Amen. 

i atque] ABHQ, quae G, quod agnoscunt qui CDF edd., quod agnos- 
cunt quicunque de 2 ex eo]-|-illum E. hie desinit E 3 prae- 
sentem audire] audire praesentaliter N 7 inventam pretiosam mar- 
garitam C edd illis CD*, iis edd ad quos] aliquos A, quos eras. 
B, ad quem D, a quo FH, de quibus C 11 in compendio A 12 do- 
minum qui F, dominumque BCDGH edd 13 mihi intellectum tribuit 
G, tribuit mihi edd 16 cum vixi om. C 20 amen om. BDEFGH 


so far as he was permitted to see it by the light of truth, and 
those who read his works on divine subjects profit thereby. 
But I believe that they were able to derive greater good from 
him who heard and saw him as he spoke in person in the 
church, and especially those who knew well his manner of life 
among men. For not only was he a "scribe instructed unto the 
kingdom of heaven, which bringeth forth out of his treasure 
things new and old," and one of those merchants who "when 
he had found the pearl of great price, sold all that he had and 
bought it," but he was also one of those of whom it is written : 
"So speak ye and so do," and of whom the Saviour said: 
"Whosoever shall so do and teach men, the same shall be called 
great in the kingdom of heaven." 

Now I earnestly ask your grace who read these words, you 
who bless the Lord, that with me you give thanks to God 
Almighty, who gave me understanding to desire and power 
to bring these things to the knowledge of men near and 
far, of present and of future time ; and I ask that you pray 
with me and for me, that as by the grace of God I have lived 
with this man, who is now dead, on terms of intimate and 
delightful friendship, with no bitter disagreement, for almost 
forty years, I may also continue to emulate and imitate him 
in this world and may enjoy with him the promises of God 
Almighty in the world to come. Amen. 


PG = Patrologia Graeca. 
PL = Patrologia Latina. 

Works of Augustine are quoted by title, those of other patristic 
writers according to the volume and column of the Patrologia. 


1 exortu et procursu et debito fine: Possidius here has in mind 
Augustine's own words in which he sets forth the origin, development 
and end of the Civitas Dei and the Civitas terrena: exortu et excursu 
et debitis finibus: De Civitate Dei XI i. 

z Patris luminum: From Jac. 1:17. 

3 ne de . . . putaret: From 2 Cor. 12:6. 

4 honorificum est: Tobiae 12 : 7. 


1 Tagastensi: Tagaste or Thagaste was a small town in the eastern 
part of the province of Numidia about fifty miles southeast of Hippo- 
Regius and about a hundred and fifty miles south-west of Carthage. 
Augustine names Tagaste as his birthplace: neque in hoc inviderunt 
ecclesiae Thagastensi, quae carnalis partia meet est: Ep. CXXVI 7. 
Alypius, Augustine's bosom friend, was ordained bishop of Tagaste 
in 394- 

2 omnibus . . . vacant: Almost the same as Augustine's words: 
omnes libros artium quas liberates vacant: Confessiones IV xvi 30. 

3 Ambrosius: Bishop of Milan 374-397. Before becoming bishop he 
had been consular magistrate of Liguria and Aemilia. The manner 
in which he was chosen bishop of Milan bears a close analogy to the 
election of Augustine as presbyter in the church at Hippo, seventeen 
years later: Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii, PL 14, 31. In the interesting 
little account which Augustine gives of Ambrose's passion for reading 
in the spare moments of leisure from his episcopal duties (Confessiones 
VI iii 3) we may possibly see a reflection of Augustine's own busy 
life, crowded with so many secular cares that he could scarcely find 
time to study the Scriptures. 

*Huius interea verbi . . . intendebat suspensus: Like Augustine's 
verbis eius suspendebar intentus: Confessiones V xiii 23. 

5 Manichaeorum: From his nineteenth to his twenty-eighth year 
Augustine followed the current Manichaean philosophy, a Persian dual- 


148 NOTES 

ism somewhat grossly imposed on Christian ideas, teaching that good 
and evil are co-ordinate and eternal : Confessiones V vi 10. Beginning 
in 389, soon after his conversion, he published thirteen anti-Mani- 
chaean treatises during the next sixteen years. The Manichaean sect 
continued to flourish till the sixth century. 


1 ex intimis cordis medullis: Compare quam intime etiam turn medul- 
lae animi mei suspirabant tibi: Confessiones III vi 10. 

2 iam non uxorem . . . quaerens: Compare ut nee uxorem quaere- 
rein nee aliquam spent saeculi huius: Confessiones VIII xii 30. 

3 coelis: Luc. 12 : 32-33. 

4 sequere me: Matth. 19:21. 

5 Et super . . . pretiosos: From i Cor. 3: 12. 

6 annis maior triginta: Augustine was in his thirty-third year at the 
time of his baptism in 387. 

7 sola superstite matre: Possidius is speaking of Augustine's parents 
only, without reference to other relatives, for his son Adeodatus lived 
several years longer and the death of his widowed sister, whose name 
is not mentioned by Possidius or Augustine, did not occur till 423. 
Of the death of his brother Navigius we find no record. Strangely 
enough Possidius makes no mention whatever of the death of Augus- 
tine's mother Monica which occurred a few months after his baptism. 
See also Chapter XXVI, note I, on quae pariter Deo serviebant. 

6 sibique . . . exsultante: Compare matre adhaerente nobis: Confes- 
siones IX iv 8, and convertisti luctum cius in gaudium multo uberius 
quam voluerat, et multo carius atque castius quam de nepotibus carnis 
meae requircbat: Confessiones VIII xii 30. 

9 pater antea defunctus erat: In 371, when Augustine was a young 
student at Carthage, his father Patricius died, having been received 
into the Church and baptized just before his death. 

10 Renunciavit . . . decrevissct: Compare Renunciavi peractis vinde- 
mialibus, ut scholasticis suis Mediolanienses venditorem verborum alium 
providerent, quod et tibi ego servire delegissem: Confessiones IX v 13. 


1 ferme triennio: The three years following his return to Africa 
in 388. The sense of ferme, a word expressing a near approach to a 
limit, ranges from nearness to exact coincidence. Thus in Possidius 
ferme decem XI, XXXI, "about ten" ; ferme triennio III, "almost three 
years," ferme decem XVIII, "almost ten," ferme quadraginta XXXI, 
"almost forty" ; and in Augustine ferme viginti, De Civitate Dei VII ii, 
"just twenty." 

NOTES 149 

2 in lege . . . node: From Psalm 1:2. 

3 ex his quos dicunt agentes in rebus: Augustine has the same 
phrase : Erant autem ex eis quos dicunt agentes in rebus: Confessiones 
VIII vi 15. These officers had various duties principally as messengers, 
tax collectors and police agents. For a detailed statement of their 
duties see Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie I, 776 ff. Evodius, Aug- 
ustine's pupil who was bishop of Uzelis, had been one of the agentes 
in rebus: Confessiones IX viii 17. 

4 Hipponem-regium: Called Hippo Regius because it had been the 
favorite residence of the Numidian kings, thus distinguishing it from 
Hippo Diarrhytus, near Utica. This flourishing seaport, about one 
hundred and fifty miles west of Carthage, was also the capital of its 
district. It is referred to by classical writers. As early as 255 a 
certain Theogenes, Bishop of Hippo Regius, is mentioned as attending 
a Council of Carthage, but the historical importance of the city began 
when Augustine became its last bishop and ended with its fourteen 
months' siege and subsequent capture by the Vandals. The siege 
ended in 431, the year following Augustine's death. After further 
conflict the possession of the city was finally conceded to the Vandals 
by treaty in 435. See Hodgkin II 247-252. The Christian basilica was 
one of the most prominent buildings of the city (De Civitate Dei XXII 
viii 9) and bore the name of Ecclesia Pads: Ep. CCXIII i. The 
writings of Augustine mention seven separate churches or chapels in 
Hippo: Leclercq, L'Afrique Chretienne II 26, 30-31. The city was 
finally destroyed in the seventh century by the Arabs. The modern 
town of Bona is built near its ruins. 

5 sed vacare . . . esse: For a parallel of this use of the verb with 
the neuter of the adjective compare non vacat, non est inane: Confes- 
siones VI xi 19. 

*vas . . . paratum: From 2 Tim. 2:21. 


1 Valerius: Valerius, who died in 396, was Augustine's immediate 
predecessor as bishop of Hippo. Compare Chapter VIII, note 3 on 
contra morem Ecclesiae. His wise and generous nature is revealed 
not so much in his foresight in choosing such a rarely promising young 
convert as Augustine to be his successor, as in his unselfish care for the 
welfare of his people and the advancement of the Church. He was so 
far from allowing any sense of personal rivalry to hinder the career of 
his brilliant young asssistant that he even created a new custom in the 
African churches and gave Augustine, the presbyter, the right to 
preach in his presence: Possidius, Vita Augustini V. 

2 securus et ignarus: This is fully corroborated by Augustine's own 


statement in a sermon delivered in Hippo: Ego quern Deo propitio 
Metis episcopunt vestrum, invents veni ad istam civitatem, ut multi 
vestrum noverunt. Quaerebam ubi constituerem monasterium et vive- 
rem cum fratribus meis. Spent quippe omnem seculi reliqueram, et 
quod esse potui, esse nolui, nee tanten quaesivi esse quod sum. Elegi 
in domo Dei mei abiectus esse, magis quam habitare in tabernaculis 
peccatorum. Ab eis qui diligunt seculum, segregavi me; sed eis qui 
praesunt populis, non me coaequavi; nee in convivio Domini mei 
superiorem locum elegi, sed inferiorem et abiectum; et placuit illi 
dicere mihi: Ascende sursum. Usque adeo autem timebam episcopat- 
um, ut quoniam coeperat esse iam alicuius momenti inter Dei servos 
fama mea, in quo loco sciebam non esse episcopum, non illo accederem. 
Cavebam hoc et agebam quantum poteram, ut in loco humili salvarer, 
ne in alto periclitarer. Sed ut dixi, domino servus contradicere non 
debet. Veni ad istam civitatem propter vidcndum amicum, quern puta- 
bam me lucrari posse Deo, ut nobiscum esset in monasterio; quasi se- 
curus, quia locus habebat episcopum. Apprehensus presbyter factus 
sum, et per hunc gradum perueni ad episcopatum. Non attuli aliquid; 
non veni ad hanc ecclesiam, nisi cum Us indumentis quibus illo tem-\ 
pore vestiebar: Sermo CCCLV i 2. 

3 atque ideo fleret: This statement of Possidius is borne out fully 
by Augustine's Ep. XXI written in 391 to Valerius, Bishop of Hippo. 

4 completum est desiderium: This method of obtaining and ordain- 
ing a presbyter or even a bishop by force was not unusual. That 
Augustine feared it is shown by the fact that when he was a layman 
he carefully avoided any city where the bishopric was then vacant. 
Possidius mentions another instance of it. Firmus, who had been 
converted by Augustine, was later ordained presbyter in this manner: 
petitus et coactus accessit officium: Vita XV. Augustine's Ep. CXXVI 
is a detailed account of the blind obstinacy and menacing insistence 
of the people when they wished to compel a certain Pinianus, a 
wealthy alien, to become their presbyter. Compare also the letter of 
Paulinus to Alypius included in Augustine's epistles: Nam ego etsi 
a Delphino Burdegalae baptizatus, a Lampio apud Barcilonem in His- 
pania, per vim inflammatae subito plebis, sacratus sim: Ep. XXIV 4. 
A striking instance of the ordination of a bishop against his will oc- 
curs in the case of Ambrose. He had not even been baptized when 
the people demanded him as their bishop, and in spite of his ingenious 
efforts to escape, they had their way : Paulinus Vita Ambrosii, PL 14, 31. 


1 Pactusque presbyter: Augustine was ordained presbyter in 391. 

2 monasterium : Augustine states that the garden in which this 

NOTES 151 

monastery was situated was given to him by the aged Valerius, Bishop 
of Hippo : Et quia hoc disponebam in monasterio esse cum fratribus, 
cognito institute et voluntate tnea, beatae memoriae senex Valerius 
dedit mihi hortum ilium, in quo nunc est monasterium. Coepi boni 
propositi fratres colligere, compares meos, nihil habentes, sicu\t nihil 
habebam, et imitantes me, ut quomodo ego tenuem paupertatulam meam 
vendidi et pauperibus erogavi, sic facerent et illi qui mecum esse voluis- 
sent, ut de communi viveremus; commune autem nobis esset magnum 
et uberrimum praedium ipse Deus: Sermo CCCLV i 2. 

3 sub sanctis aposlolis constitutam: Act. 2:44 ff. 

*m essent . . . erat: From Act. 2:45, 4 : 35- 

5 contra usum . . . Africanarum ecclesiarum: Jerome complains of 
this unwritten law and calls it a most injurious practice: Pessimae 
consuetudinis est, in quibusdam ecclesiis tacere presbyteros, et prae- 
sentibus episcopis non loqui, quasi aut invideant aut non dignentur 
audire: Ep. LII, PL 22, 534. This restriction had likewise been ob- 
served in the Eastern Church but was first ignored by Anus, presbyter 
in the church at Alexandria, some seventy years before Augustine be- 
came presbyter in 391. IlapA 51 'AXelavSpeOo-i fj.6vos 6 rijj ir6Xews tirtvicoiros. 
$a<rl 5 rovro oi> irpbrepov eZa>0ds {iriyevfoOai, &<p' oC'A/oeios 7rpr/3i/Te/)os &v, trfpl rov 
86yfMTos 5taXry6/Aepos ^ewr^pwe : Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica^ PG 67, 
1476. Similar testimony is given by Socrates : n/jeo-jSjJrepos tv ' A.\eavdpelg. 
oi> irpo<ro]M\t Kal rovro dpx^v ^Xa/Sey, d0' oO "Apetos ryv 'EKK\tj<rlav trdpa.% ev: 
Historia Ecclesiastica'. PG 67, 640. 

accensa . . . lucebat: From Jo. 5:35, Matth. 5:15, Marc. 4:21. 
Luc. 8:16. 


^Fortunate: This public discussion of Augustine with the Mani- 
chaean presbyter Fortunatus was held at the Baths of Sossius in 
Hippo Regius on August 28, 392: Ada contra Fortunatum, PL 42, in. 

2 paratus . . . est: From i Pet. 3:15. 

3 potensque . . . redarguere: From Tit. 1:9. 

4 notarii: These stenographers, or short-hand reporters, were uni-. 
versally employed throughout the Roman world, not only by the gov- 
ernment but also by the Church and private individuals. On their 
presence in the church at Hippo Regius and their reports of Augus- 
tine's sermons see R. J. Deferrari's article, Verbatim Reports of 
Augustine's Unwritten Sermons, Transactions of the American Philo- 
logical Association 1915, XL VI 35-45. 

6 ut se gestorum continet fides: Ada contra Fortunatum, PL 42, in. 

152 NOTES 


1 libris confectis et repentinis sermonibus: In this connection con- 
fectis means composed, written or finished and repentinis, "sudden," 
off-hand, not prepared in writing, extempore. Thus Sidonius Apolli- 
naris IX 3, 5, contrasts praedicationes repentinas with praedicationes 

2 quisquis . . . adhibentes: For quisquis with a singular verb and a 
plural participle compare Augustine's similar but less extremely ab- 
normal ammonuitque populum ut ilium [serpentem] exaltatum quis- 
quis a serpente morderetur attenderet; hoc facientes continuo sano 
bantur: De Peccatorum Mentis I xxxii 61. 

3 odorque suavissintus Christ i: From Eph. 5 : 2. 
*manifestata: The post-classical verb manifesto is often used by 

Augustine, especially in the participal form, as manifestatum est mihi: 
Confessiones VII xii 18; ex manifestato in came Christo: Contra duas 
Epistolas Pelagianorum IV iii 3. Augustine also uses it as a substan- 
tive : per se ipsa manifestata delectant: De Doctrina Christiana IV 
xii 28. Besides this instance in Possidius it again occurs in Chapter 
XIV : cunctis manifestata, and Chapter XXXI : vixisse manifestatur. 
5 Quoniam . . . membra: From i Cor. 12:26. 


1 primatem episcoporum Carthaginensem: Aurelius, the archbishop 
of Carthage for thirty-five years (388-423) in a period of critical im- 
portance. His confirmation was required for the election of a bishop 
in any city of Africa. He also convoked and presided over the vari- 
ous plenary councils held almost every year. He co-operated with 
Augustine in suppressing the Donatist schism, agreeing with him in a 
policy of moderation and appealing to the civil government only when 
the Donatist outrages and fanaticism became unbearable. Four of 
Augustine's epistles are addressed to Aurelius: XXII, XLI, LX, 

2 Megalio Calamensi episcopo: Megalius was the immediate prede- 
cessor of Possidius as bishop of Calama, a North African town about 
forty miles south-west of Hippo Regius. His aversion to Augustine 
led him to oppose his election as coadjutor-bishop to Valerius, bishop 
of Hippo Regius, and he brought forward certain serious charges 
against him. These, however, he was unable to prove and was com- 
pelled to retract them. He became reconciled to Augustine and in 
391 consecrated him as coadjutor to Valerius. He died in 397, the year 
after Valerius died. Accordingly within the one year (396-397) Va- 
lerius was succeeded by Augustine as bishop of Hippo and Megalius 
was succeeded by Possidius as bishop of Calama. 

NOTES 153 

3 contra morem Ecclesiae: Augustine thought that the consecration 
of the successor to a bishop while that bishop was yet living had no 
sanction in ecclesiastical custom. Valerius, however, was able to cite 
some exceptions, as Augustine himself states : nonnullis iam exemplis 
praecedentibus, quibus mihi omnis excusatio claudebatur: Ep. XXXI 4. 
He learned much later of the prohibition in the eighth canon of the 
Council of Nicaea held in 325 : Adhuc in corpore posito beatae mem- 
oriae patre et episcopo meo sene Valeria, episcopus ordinatus sum, et 
sedi cum illo: quod concilio Nicaeno prohibitum fuisse nesciebam, nee 
ipse sciebat: Ep. CCXIII 4. Nevertheless the canon of Nicaea, while 
providing against two bishops in one diocese, left the way open for 
ordaining a coadjutor to the bishop, if the bishop so desired. The 
ordination of Augustine was therefore entirely lawful. 

4 nee . . . aliis fieri voluit: On September 26, 426 Augustine pro- 
posed in an assembly of bishops, clergy and people held at Hippo 
Regius that the presbyter Heraclius should relieve him of his secular 
cares in order that he might devote himself entirely to the study of the 
Scriptures. He asked that Heraclius should succeed him as bishop, 
but in deference to what he believed to be the prohibition of the 
Council of Nicaea, and in view of the blame he had himself received 
for becoming a bishop while Valerius was yet alive, he announced 
that Heraclius would remain a presbyter till the proper time came for 
making him a bishop: Ep. CCXIII 4, 5. 

5 conciliis constitueretur episcoporum: This action was taken by the 
Third Council of Carthage in 397, canon III : Item placuit, ut ordi- 
nandis episcopis vel clericis, prius ab ordinatoribus suis decreta con- 
ciliorum auribus eorum inculcentur, ne se aliquid contra statuta con- 
cilii fecisse asserant: Collectio Conciliorum III 880. 


iparatus . . . est: From i Pet 3: 15. 

2 Donatistae: The Donatist schism was local, not extending beyond 
North Africa. It arose from a question of the discipline of the tra- 
ditores, namely those who had surrendered the sacred writings during 
the Diocletian persecution, 303-311. In 311 a division arose over the 
election of Caecilianus as bishop of Carthage, the opposition party 
declaring it invalid because Felix, who had performed the ordination 
service, was a traditor, and because the Numidian bishops had had no 
vote in the election. Majorinus was elected as counter-bishop and on 
his death in 315 was succeeded by Donatus, called the Great, from 
whom the party received its name. Since they regarded themselves as 
the only pure church all the others being traditores they required 
all converts to be rebaptized: see Ep. LXVI to Crispinus. They were 

154 NOTES 

condemned at various councils (Carthage 311, Rome 313, Aries 314). 
In spite of this, at the end of the fourth century they had more fol- 
lowers in North Africa than the orthodox Church. However, the re- 
enforcement they received from such fanatics as the Circumcellions 
brought them into disrepute and this, combined with the efforts of 
Augustine, did much to reduce their power and secure their condem- 
nation at the Conference of Carthage in 411. The controversy was 
finally ended by the Vandal invasion of Africa in 428. 
3 cum timore . . . operabatur: From Phil. 2 : 12. 


1 Circumcelliones: Fanatical and lawless roving bands of schis- 
matics in North Africa, associated with the Donatists. The first 
record of their appearance is in 347 (Optatus). They called themselves 
Milites Christi Agonistici (see Optatus, De Schismate Donatistarum, 
PL ii, 1007) but were popularly known as Circumcelliones. This 
name, as explained by Augustine, is compounded from circum and 
cella, because they went around to the huts of the country folk to get 
food : V ictus sui causa cellos circumicns rusticanas, undc et Circum- 
ccllionum nomen accepit: Contra Gaudentium I xxviii 32. Their vio- 
lence was not confined to waylaying and assaulting others, but often 
led them to seek voluntary martyrdom by the sword or by leaping 
over precipices. A detailed statement of their excesses and cruelties 
is given in Ep. LXXXVIII 6-8. For the Circumcellions generally see 
J. C. Robertson, History of the Christian Church I 277-278. 

2 calcem cum aceto in oculos miserunt: Compare Augustine's com- 
ment on the same act in Ep. LXXXVIII 8: In oculos extinguendos 
calcem mixto aceto incredibili excogitatione sceleris mittunt, and also 
Quis enim barbarus excogitare potuit quod isti t ut in oculos clericorum 
nostrorum calcem et acetum mitterent: Ep. CXI i. 


*ferme decem: Among these bishops were Possidius, who became 
bishop of Calama, Alypius of Tagaste, Severus of Milevum (Ep. XXXI 
9), Urbanus of Sicca (Ep. CXLIX 34), Evodius of Uzelis, Profuturus 
of Cirta, Privatus and Servilius (Ep. CLVIII 9, n). Besides these 
eight Salinas adds Fortunatus, successor of Profuturus as bishop of 
Cirta, and Peregrinus. Tillemont also suggests a certain Bonifacius 
(XIII 155). Possidius nowhere "enumerates" ten bishops as is stated 
in the Catholic Encyclopedia II 87. 

2 in Graecum sermoncm translates: None of these Greek transla- 
tions referred to by Possidius are extant. 

3 peccator . . . tabescebat: From Psalm 111:10. 

4 cum his . . . ab eis: From Psalm 119:7. 

NOTES 155 


1 succenturiati: "re-enforced to the full complement," "in full force." 
Donatus, explaining succenturiatus in his commentary on the Phormio, 
states its use as translatio e re militari. 

2 ducatoris: A post-classical word. It is found in Augustine : 
coepit habere ducatores: Serm. CCV 2. 

3 manus impias abisse: Augustine gives a similar account of this 
narrow escape: Nonnullis errare profuit aliquando, sed in via pedum, 
non in via morum. Nam nobis ipsis accidit, ut in quodam bivio fallere- 
mur, et non iremus per eum locum ubi opperiens transitum nostrum 
Donatistarum manus armata subsederat: atque ita factum est, ut eo 
quo tendebamus, per devium circuitum veniremus; cognitisque insidiis 
illorum, nos gratularemur errasse, atque inde gratias ageremus Deo: 
Enchiridion xvii 5. 

* domusque Dei zelum: From Psalm 68: 10, Jo. 2: 17. 

5 unus ex his: i.e. Possidius. This murderous attack on Possidius 
made by a certain presbyter Crispinus, who is not to be confused with 
his supposed relative the Donatist bishop Crispinus of Calama, is de- 
scribed by Augustine Contra Cresconium Donatistam III xlvi 50 and 
Ep. 0V 4- 

6 clero : The clergy collectively, so named from jcA^jjpos the lot or 
portion of the Lord. 

7 inter leges non siluit: This seems to be based on the proverb, inter 
arma leges silent. 

8 Crispinus: There are many references in Augustine's writings to 
Crispinus, the Donatist bishop of Calama, including two letters directly 
addressed to him. After Crispinus had refused an invitation to en- 
gage in an oral debate, Augustine, in Ep. LI, invites him to a written 
discussion. Evidently this invitation was not accepted. In Ep. LXVI 
he reproaches Crispinus for the forcible rebaptizing of Catholics by 
the Donatists. The same subject is taken up in Contra Litteras Petil- 
iani II Ixxxiii 184. References to the trial and condemnation of Cris- 
pinus and the Donatists occur in Contra Cresconium Donatistam III 
xlvi 50, xlvii 51 and Ep. LXXXVIII 7. 

9 Ecclesiae defensore: Probably Possidius, whose failure to mention 
his own name is in keeping with his habit throughout the Vita. Com- 
pare unus ex his in the preceding sentence and the other instances in 
this chapter. 

10 infirmis scandalum nasceretur: From I Cor. 8:9, Rom. 14: 13. 

11 tertio conflictum: The first is apparently the assault of the fol- 
lowers of Crispinus on Possidius, the second the public notice to 
Crispinus that he was subject to the fine which was imposed on here- 

156 NOTES 

tics, and the third the debate here mentioned which ended in the 
proconsular condemnation of Crispinus. 

12 libellari: "formally recorded." The English word "libellary" has 
the same sense. This term of Roman law means the libel or written 
statement of his cause of action made by the plaintiff at the beginning 
of a suit. See the word in the Oxford English Dictionary. The 
"libellary sentence" passed on Crispinus is a formal written statement 
explaining and justifying the sentence. 

13 auraria mulcta: In Ep. LXXXVIII 7, sent by the clergy of Hippo 
to Januarius, a Donatist bishop in Numidia, but evidently written by 
Augustine, the amount of the fine is stated as poena decem librarum 
auri. Compare also Contra Cresconium Donatistam III xlvii 51. Fines 
were prescribed as the penalty for the Donatist heretics by the Emp- 
eror Theodosius: see PL n, 1420. 

14 officium: Officium in the legal sense of the body of officials or 
court officers is usual in the time of Augustine. Compare Paulus 
episcopus dixit: Novit officium publicum, id est Edesius et lunius ex- 
ceptores: Contra Cresconium, PL, 43, 513; and . . . sicut interrogatum 
respondit Officium: Breviculus Collationis cum Donatistis, PL 43, 616. 
See also PL 43, 621, 643-644 and Serm. LXVI i. 


l iustitiae coronam: From 2 Tim. 4:8. 

2 augebatur et multiplicabatur: From Act. 12:24. 

*Honorio: Western Emperor 395-423. 

*Marcellinum: The tribune Marcellinus was sent by the Emperor 
Honorius from Rome to Africa in 411 with authority to hear and 
judge the controversy between the Donatists and Catholics. Ac- 
cordingly he presided at the celebrated Conference of Carthage held 
that same year, at which the Donatist schism was condemned and ef- 
fectually checked. Because of his decision in favor of the Catholics, 
the Donatists accused him of accepting a bribe: Optatus, Historia 
Donatistarum, PL n, 820; Ep. CXLI I, 12. 

Augustine's acquaintance with Marcellinus evidently began at this 
time and quickly ripened into intimacy. In compliance with his request 
Augustine began writing the De Civitate Dei in 412 (I Praef., II I ) 
and also dedicated to him the De Peccatorum Meritis et Remissione 
and De Spiritu et Littera. Four letters from Augustine to him are still 

In 413 Marcellinus was arrested, probably at the instigation of the 
Donatists: Jerome, Contra Pelagianos, PL 23, 616; Orosius, Historia, 
PL 31, 1171. Although Augustine intervened in his behalf and received 
assurance of his safety and prompt release, Marcellinus, together with 

NOTES 157 

his elder brother Apringius, was hurriedly and secretly put to death 
September 13, 413: Optatus, Historic, Donatistarum, PL u, 821. Aug- 
ustine exposed the treachery of his murder and also paid a touching 
tribute to his noble character: Ep. CLI 5, 6 and 8. After his death 
the legal decisions of Marcellinus were confirmed : Codex Theodosianus 
XVI 5, 55- 

Jerome's Ep. CXXVI is addressed to Marcellinus in answer to the 
latter's questions on the origin of the soul and refers him to Augustine 
for fuller instruction. After the death of Marcellinus a treatise on 
this subject, De Origine Animae Hominis, was composed by Augustine 
and sent to Jerome in 415: Ep. CLXVI. 


1 qui dicer ent: The objection of the Donatist bishops that they had 
not been tried by an impartial tribunal was valid, for the Emperor 
Honorius and his delegate Marcellinus were committed in advance to 
a hostile decision. The contention of Possidius that the Donatist 
bishops by consenting to attend the Conference agreed to abide by its 
decision has no force, since the Donatist bishops really had no alterna- 
tive. Notwithstanding Augustine's full explanation in the De Gestis 
cum Emerito, PL 43, 697, his consent to this unfair trial reveals the 
extent to which he had departed from his earlier attitude of toleration 
which was well stated in Ep. XXXIV I to the Donatist Eusebius, 
written in 396 : neque me id agere ut ad communionem Catholicam 
quisquam cogatur invitus. His intolerant application of "cogite in- 
trare" dates from about 408: Ep. XCIII ii 5. 

2 in Caesariensi Mauritaniae civitate constitutus: Augustine also 
mentions this visit to Julia Caesarea : tamen quia illae [litterae] quas ad 
Mauritaniam Caesariensem misisti, me apud Caesaream praesente 
venerunt, quo nos iniuncta nobis a venerabili papa Zosimo apostolicae 
Sedis episcopo ecclesiastica necessitas traxerat: Ep. CXC i. In another 
letter written soon after he again refers to this visit: Cum vero inde 
(a Carthagine) digressi sumus, perreximus usque ad Mauritaniam 
Caesariensem, quo nos ecclesiastica necessitas traxit: Ep. CXCIII i. 

3 Emeritum: Donatist bishop of Julia Caesarea. He was present at 
the Conference of Carthage in 411: PL n, 1228. The meeting of 
Catholic bishops described by Possidius was held at Julia Caesarea in 
418 and on that occasion Augustine unsuccessfully tried to persuade 
Emeritus to return to the Catholic Church: De Gestis cum Emerito, 
PL 43, 697, and later addressed to him a letter now lost : Retractationes 

4 lam ilia . . . fuerimus: Compare Augustine's record of the same 

158 NOTES. 

remark of Emeritus: Gesta indicant, si victus sum ant vici: si veritate 
victus sum aut potestate oppressus sum: De Gestis cum Emerito, PL 
43, 700. The Gesta referred to by Emeritus are the proceedings of the 
Conference of Carthage in 411, Mansi IV 7-246. 

6 ait, et cum reticeret: Ait, the reading of the MSS as opposed to 
that of the editions, is supported by Augustine: Emeritus episcopus 
partis Donati dixit notario qui excipiebat: Fac. Cumque reticeret . . . : 
De Gestis cum Emerito, PL 43, 700. 

* gesta: De Gestis cum Emerito, PL 43, 697. 


1 credo . . . voluerit: A post-classical and mild consessive use of 
credo (somewhat like licet) joined directly with the subjunctive with- 
out quod or any intervening word in the sense of "supposing," "per- 
haps" or "maybe." 

2 Firmus: Probably unknown, as Possidius's quidam would seem to 
imply. The Firmus mentioned in Epp. CLXXXIV 7, CXCI I, CXCIV 
i, and CCXLVIII 2 was doubtless another person. 

8 sanctum . . . benediximus: From Psalm 102 : i. 

4 per scientes . . . animarum: For similar phrasing compare Augus- 
tine: sed utens tu omnibus et scientibus et nescientibus ordine qua 
nosti: Confessiones VI viii 12. 


1 Ursum: Augustine also mentions the activity of this Ursus, a 
Roman tribune, against the Manichaeans at Carthage: instante Urso 
trihuno, (jni time doniui regiae praefuit: De Haeresibus XLVI. Ursus 
also caused (421 ?) the famous temple of the Dea Coelestis at Carthage 
to be razed to the ground and the site to be used as a Christian 
cemetery: Liber de Promissionibus, PL 51, 835. 

2 ad tabulas: i.e. in the presence of the notarii who took down in 
short-hand both questions and answers on their tablets (ad tabulas). 

3 Felice: This discussion with Felix took place on December 7 and 
12, 404: De Actis cum Felice Manichaeo, PL 42, 519 and 535. From 
the acts of the second day it appears that the books of Felix had been 
confiscated and were being guarded under the public seal. This and 
Felix's recantation at the end give the debate almost the appearance 
of a trial. 

*frustrata: In this sense post-Augustan and very rare. 

5 sicut . . . scriptural This record is found in De Actis cum Felice 
Manichaeo, PL 42, 519. 

NOTES 159 


1 Pascentio: The date of this controversy with Pascentius is un- 
certain. As a sequel to the public debate Augustine wrote three letters 
to Pascentius (CCXXXVIII, CCXXXIX, CCXLI) but received only 
one short reply (Ep. CCXL). Outside these letters and the account 
of Possidius there seems to be no definite information regarding the 

2 Ariano: The Arian heresy which affected the whole Christian 
world, was so named from the presbyter Arius of Alexandria, who 
taught in regard to the Trinity that the Son is not of the same sub- 
stance with^ the Father, but of like substance, and is not co-eternal, 
but the first of all creatures. This teaching was condemned at the 
Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in 325. Fierce controversies followed 
and various synods were held. Jovian, Valentinian I and Gratian 
granted toleration to both parties. Arianism declined and was virtu- 
ally suppressed in the Roman world in the times of Theodosius I 
(379-395) and Valentinian II (375-392). 

z Maximino: This discussion on the Trinity between Maximinus, 
the Arian bishop of Hippo Regius, and Augustine was held at Hippo 
Regius in 427 or 428 ; see PL 42, 707. The report of the collatio shows 
that Maximinus skilfully avoided Augustine's direct questions and 
took so much time in his final presentation that Augustine had no 
sufficient opportunity to answer: PL 42, 709-742. Augustine resented 
this and composed a prompt and full reply in his two books Contra 
Maximinum: PL 42, 743-814. In his opening sentence he makes a 
pointed thrust at Maximinus : cuius prolixitate spatium diei, quo 
praesentes conferebamus, absumpsit. 

There was another Maximinus, Catholic bishop of Sinita, near Hippo 
Regius, who is mentioned by Augustine in De Civitate Dei XXII viii 6 
and elsewhere. 

4 scriptum est: Collatio cum Maximino, PL 42, 709. 


iPelagianistas: The Pelagian heresy, which arose in the time of 
Augustine, received its name from Pelagius, a British monk (c. 360- 
420) : P elagianorum est haeresis ... a Pelagio monacho exorta: De 
Haeresibus LXXXVIII. He held that the human will is sufficient 
without divine grace to fulfill the commands of God. Augustine im- 
mediately aroused the Church against this new heresy and became its 
principal antagonist in his copious anti-Pelagian writings, which ex- 
erted a profound and lasting influence. The doctrine of Pelagius was 
promptly condemned by Innocent I (Epp. CLXXXI, CLXXXII) in 

160 NOTES 

response to a letter from the Council of Carthage held in 416 (Ep. 
CLXXV) and the Council of Milevum, held in the same year (Ep. 
CLXXVI). It was again condemned by Zosimus in 418, by the Em- 
peror Honorius in the same year, and again by Zosimus later. How- 
ever it was not till 431, the year following Augustine's death, that the 
heresy was finally condemned by the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus. 

2 anno s ferme dec em: Augustine issued his principal anti-Pelagian 
writings in rapid succession in the years 412-421. After an interval, 
however, four other treatises appeared, two in 426-427, and two in 
428-429: Teuffel III 371. 

z lnnocentio: Pope 402-417. 

*Zosimo: Pope 417-418. 

6 indisciplinationes: This late form, with a few others of like com- 
position, means the failure to keep up to a standard, as is more clearly 
brought out in Chapter XXV. 

*Indiculutn: This Indiculus, which is the appendix to the Vita 
Augustini of Possidius, is the earliest detailed list of Augustine's writ- 
ings. It is to be found in PL 46, 5. Possidius fixes the total of Au- 
gustine's works at 1030. Inspection of the Indiculus, however, shows 
that he counted as a separate work each epistle or sermon known to 
him, thus arriving at this large total which, nevertheless, does not 
include all that Augustine wrote, as appears from the statement at the 
end of the Indiculus: menwratus sanctus Augustinus episcopus Spiritu 
divino actus, in sancta Ecclesia catholica ad instructionem animarum 
fecit libros, tractatus, epistolas numero 1030, exceptis Us qui nunterari 
non possunt, quia nee numerum designavit ipsorum. 

At the end of the Retractationes Augustine states that he had re- 
vised opera XCIII in libris CCXXXII, exclusive of his epistles and 
sermons. Victor Vitensis, writing in 486, likewise gives the total as 
232 "books," besides "innumerable" epistles, expositions of whole 
Psalms and Gospels, and popular sermons: De Persecutione Vandalica 
PL 58, 185. 

Indiculus or Indiculum is post-classical and rare. 


*apud infideles: I Cor. 6: 1-6. 

2 eausas audiebat: One of the regular duties of the bishop at this 
time was to hear and decide the cases of his parishioners. This 
judicial authority had risen gradually till it became very important and 
gained the recognition of the civil government. In the Christian Roman 
empire a bishop had power to judge civil and criminal cases not in- 
volving capital punishment. See Codex Theodosianus IX 3 7, IX 16 12, 

NOTES 161 

XV 8 2, XVI 10 19. In Ep. CCXIII, which is a public report made 
in 426, Augustine complains that these duties have become so onerous 
that he had no time left for studying the Scriptures and therefore asks 
his people to bring their secular difficulties to the presbyter Heraclius. 
For a discussion of the development of this judicial power among the 
clergy as revealed by legislation see W. K. Boyd, The Ecclesiastical 
Edicts of the Theodosian Code, 87-102. 

3 peccantes . . . hdberent: From i Tim. 5 : 20. 
* speculator . . . Israel: From Ezech. 3:17. 

5 praedicans . . . doctrinal From 2 Tim. 4:2. 

6 qui . . . docere: From 2 Tim. 2:2. 

7 angariam: A legal term : see Codex Theodosianus VIII 5. Angaria 
(ayyapeia) is the enforced service due from a peasant to a lord. In 
the Vulgate the verb angario is used to denote compulsory service, as 
in Matth. 27:22 and Mark 15:21 (Simon compelled to bear the cross). 
Augustine also uses angaria to describe the eager, unresting forced 
march of the Christian pilgrim through this world. Compare In 
Psalmo LI 4: In ipsa republica angariam quodammodo faciebat 
Joseph, sicut illi ires pueri, sicut Daniel; and In Psalmo LXI 8: 
Et quasi angariam faciunt in civitate transitura. 


1 contemplatione: Late Latin in the sense of "consideration" or 
"regard," occurring mostly in the jurists. 

2 Africae vicarium: The vicarius was the head of a diocese of 
which, at this time, there were twelve and which in turn composed the 
four prefectures. He was a civil administrator only and had super- 
vision over the provinces into which his diocese was divided. The 
vicarius of Africa had six provinces under his direction. See F. F. 
Abbott, History and Description of Roman Political Institutions, 
sec. 398. 

z Macedonium: Vicar of Africa in 414. He was authorized to en- 
force the imperial decrees against the Donatists. For the correspond- 
ence between him and Augustine see Epp. CLII-CLV. 

4 hoc more scriptum misit: This letter may be found in full among 
the epistles of Augustine (CLIV). 

5 petibile: "fair to ask"; a rare word apparently not found elsewhere 
in extant Latin literature. 


1 non . . . quaerens: From Phil. 2 : 21. 

162 NOTES 


1 non . . . quaerentes: From Phil. 2 : 21. 

2 neque in dexteram . . . declinans: From Num. 20:17 and Prov. 
4:27. This attitude of Augustine in matters of dress is fully revealed 
in Senn. CCCLVI 13 : Nemo det byrrhum vel lineam tunicam seu ali- 
quid, nisi in commune: de communi accipio et mihi ipsi, cum sciam 
commune me habere velle quidquid habeo. Nolo talia offerat sanctitas 
vestra, quibus ego solus quasi decentius utar; offerat mihi, verbi gratia, 
byrrhum pretiosum; forte decet episcopum, quamvis non deceat Augus- 
tinum, id est, hominem pauperem, de pauperibus natum. Modo dicturi 
sunt homines, quia inveni pretiosas vestes, quas non potuissem habere 
vel in domo patris mei vel in ilia secular i professione mea. Non dccet: 
talem debeo habere, qualem possum, si non habuerit, fratri meo dare. 
Qualem potest habere presbyter, qualem potest habere decenter diaconus 
et subdiaconus, talem volo accipere, quia in commune accipio. Si quis 
meliorem dederit, vendo: quod et facere soleo, ut quando non potest 
vestis esse communis, pretium vestis possit esse commune. Vendo et 
erogo pauperibus. Si hoc eum delectat, ut ego habeam, talem det unde 
non erubescam. Fateor enim vobis, de pretiosa veste erubesco, quia 
non decet hanc professionem, hanc admonitionem, non decet haec mem- 
bra, non decet hos canos. 

*orationem: I Tim. 4:4-5. 

* in suis Confessionum libris: Confessiones X xxxi 46. 

K infirmitates: i Tim. 5 : 23. 

6 non . . . voluntatis: A reminiscence of Philem. 1 : 14. 

7 contra pestilentiam humanae consuetudinis: To do away with the 
habit of tale-bearing at the table, the Third Council of Toledo later 
(589) decreed that Scripture should be read aloud during meals: 
. . . id universa sancta constituit synodus, ut quia solent crebro mensis 
otiosae fabulae interponi, in omni sacerdotali convivio lectio scriptura- 
rum divinarum misceatur. Per hoc enim et animae aedificantur ad 
bonum et fabulae non necessariae prohibentur: Canon 7, Mansi, Col- 
lectio Conciliorum, IX 994. 


1 alloquebatur plebem Dei: Two of Augustine's addresses on such an 
occasion are fully recorded in two sermons CCCLV and CCCLVI en- 
titled De Vita et Moribus Clericorum Suorum. 

2 in vetere Testamento : Deut. 18. 

NOTES 163 


1 ad vices: Apparently a late usage instead of the usual in vicem 
or in vices. 

2 aliquas cum here dilates recusasse novimus: Augustine refused the 
legacy of a ship from Boniface because he thought the Church should 
not be a ship-owner, taking the risk of loss through shipwreck, and 
would not accept the estate of anyone who had disinherited his son. 
He cites with admiration the example of Aurelius, Archbishop of 
Carthage, who, on the birth of an heir, promptly returned an estate 
which had been given to the church by a man who was childless when 
he made the gift : Serm. CCCLV 5. 

3 refragatione: A late and rare word. There is an instance in 
Augustine : et in re facillima quae recte placuerat, curvam refragationem 
et nodos difficultatis posuissem: Ep. CCXLI i. 

4 ab ea: From Luc. 10:39-42. 

5 Interea: "at times"; originally poetic in this sense. 

6 scripsit: The passage from Ambrose, unidentified by Possidius, 
occurs in his De Officiis Ministrorum, PL 16, 148-150. Ambrose de- 
clases that there are three cases in which a bishop may be justified in 
melting and selling the sacred vessels : to ransom the captive or relieve 
the poor, to build a church, and to enlarge the burial grounds. Victor 
Vitensis mentions a similar instance in which Deogratias, Bishop of 
Carthage, used the gold and silver vessels of the church to ransom 
the prisoners taken by Geiseric: De Persecutione Vandalica, PL 58, 

7 fidelibus: The name for baptized Christians, as distinguished from 
catechumeni, the candidates not yet admitted to baptism. Thus Au- 
gustine remarks that if anyone says he is a Christian he must then be 
asked whether he is catechumenus or fidelis: Tractatus in loannem 
XLIV 2. 

8 se praesente: Of course at some time when Augustine was in 
Milan, 384-387. 


1 vestiebatur: Augustine's own references to the daily life in the 
monastery at Hippo are naturally more vivid and intimate than the 
matter-of-fact recital of Possidius. The following quotations may be 
given : Nostis omnes aut pene omnes, sic nos v'vuere in ea domo, quae 
diciti/Kf domus episcopii, ut quantum possumus, imitemur eos sanctos, de 
quibus loquitur liber Actuum Apostolorum: Nemo dicebat aliquid 
proprium, sed erant illis omnia communia: Sermo CCCLV i 2. Ecce 
quomodo vivimus. Nulli licet in societate nostra habere aliquid pro- 

164 NOTES 

prium; sed forte aliqui habent. Nulli licet; si qui habent, faciunt quod 
non licet. Bene autem sentio de fratribus meis, et semper bene credens 
ab hoc inquisitione dissimulavi; quid et ista quaerere, quasi male sen- 
tire mihi videbatur. Noveram enim et novi omnes, qui mecum viverent, 
nosse propositum nostrum, nosse legem vitae nostrae: Sermo CCCLV 
ii 2. Quisquis cum hypocrisi vixerit, quisquis inventus fuerit habens 
proprium, non illi permitto ut inde faciat testamentum, sed delebo eum 
de tabula clericorum. Interpellet contra me mille concilia, naviget 
contra me quo voluerit, sit eerie ubi potuerit: adiuvabit me Deus, ut 
ubi ego episcopus sum, ille clericus esse non possit: Sermo CCCVI 


2 ad periurium cecidisset: Based on Jac. 5:12. 

3 suis instituerat: The dative with instituere in the sense of "to in- 
struct anyone" is a later usage for the classical accusative. 

4 ne . . . peccatis: From Psalm 140:4. 

5 Et dum . . . offerendum: From Matth. 5:23-24. 

6 in parte: "apart," "in private"; a post-classical sense. In parte in 
classical usage means "in part," as in parte verum: Quintilian II 8 6. 

7 Si vero ipse . . . publicanus: From Matth. 18:15-17. 

8 ut fratri . . . relaxaretur: From Matth. 18 : 21-22. 


1 quae pariter Deo serviebant: Augustine had established a nunnery 
at Hippo Regius of which his sister was prioress and to which the 
daughters of his brother Navigius also belonged. This seems to have 
been the first nunnery in Africa, though later than those founded by 
Jerome and Paula in Palestine in 384. After the death of Augustine's 
sister in 423 dissension arose among the nuns over the appointment 
of Felicitas as her successor. Augustine wrote them a stern letter of 
rebuke and, improving the opportunity, laid down a code of strict 
rules for their conduct : Ep. CCXI. 

The name of Augustine's sister is not certainly known. Church tra- 
dition gives it as Perpetua. See the Bollandistes, Vies des Saints 

2 Dicebat . . . quia: A verb of saying followed by quia and the 
subjunctive instead of by the infinitive is common in Augustine and 
late Latin generally. In this paragraph Possidius uses both construc- 

5 aforis: Aforis, as well as deforis and foris, occurs in the Vulgate. 
Augustine has aforis in De Nuptiis et Concupiscentia II xiii 27. 
4 offendiculum . . . infirmis: From i Cor. 8:9 and Rom. 14:13. 
5 scandalum . . . infirmis: From i Cor. 8:9 and Rom. 14:13. 

NOTES 165 


^viduas . . . visitaret: From Jac. 1:27. 

2 non . . . habemus: These dying words of Ambrose, who had been 
so influential in bringing Augustine to the Christian faith are also 
recorded in almost exactly the same form by Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii, 
PL 14, 45 : non ita inter vos vixi, ut pudeat me v'were, nee timeo mori, 
quid Dominum bonum habemus. 

3 Dimitte nobis debita nostra: Matth. 6:12. 

4 de mortalitate scripsit: Composed some time between 252 and 256 
A.D. The passage here cited by Possidius occurs in Chapter XIX. 

5 sanctus . . . martyr Cyprianus: Cyprian (c. 200-258) was the 
first bishop in Africa to suffer martyrdom: Sic consummata pas- 
sione perfectum est ut Cyprianus qui bonorum omnium fuerat ex- 
emplum, etiam sacerdotales coronas in Africa primus imbueret, quia 
et talis esse post apostolos prior coeperat: Pontius, Vita Cypriani, PL 
3, 1557. His writings are frequently quoted by Augustine. Two 
basilicas were built at Carthage in his memory, one where he was 
martyred, the other where he was buried. Both were outside the city 
walls, one being on the sea-shore. This latter was the place where 
Monica watched the night Augustine sailed for Italy: Confessiones V 
viii 15. See also PL 58, 187. 


1 De Recensione Librorum: This is the Retractationes, which was 
issued in 427, three years before Augustine's death. It contains a gen- 
eral revision of all his works except his Epistles and Sermons to the 
people, as he states in the closing paragraph. 

2 quosdam libros . . . conquer ebatur: Such was the case with Au- 
gustine's treatise De Trinitate which he complained was taken from 
him and issued hastily in parts before he had completed his final 
emendation : see Retractationes II xv I and Ep. CLXXIV. 

3 irruisset: This invasion of Africa by the Vandals occurred in 428. 
4 apponit dolorem: Eccles. i : 18. 

5 cor intelligens tinea ossibus: A fragment of Prov. 25 : 20 from 
some pre- Vulgate version. See Petri Sabatier, Bibliorum Sac\rorum 
Latinae Versiones Antiquae sen Vetus Italica, Remis 1743, II 336. 

6 fuerunt . . . node: From Psalm 41:4. 

7 effugatos: A post-classical word. 

8 sustentaculis : A rare post-classical word, used once in Tacitus. 
It is used by Augustine in the passage: multis non est causa ista 
faciendi, sed quod viliore victu vivere placet, minimeque sumptuoso 
corporis sustentaculo aetatem tranquillissimam ducere: De Moribus 

166 NOTES 

Ecclesiae Catholicae I xxxiii 72. Three other instances occur in one 
of his sermons: LI xiv 23 and 24. 

9 licet . . . concremata: Apparently the only source for our knowl- 
edge of the burning of Hippo. Gibbon does not mention the burning. 

10 cuiusdant sapientis: I am unable to identify this vague reference. 

11 Bonifacius: Count Boniface was governor of the province of 
Africa during part of the regency of Placidia (425-450). He was a 
zealous Christian and was highly esteemed by Augustine. After the 
death of his first wife he was on the point of entering a monastery but 
was persuaded by Augustine and Alypius that he could be of greater ser- 
vice to the Church by repelling the barbarian hosts. Through the 
treachery of his court rival Aetius, Placidia was turned against him 
and to defend himself he unwisely invited the Vandals into Africa as 
his allies. Later, when the treachery of Aetius was discovered, Boni- 
face was received back into imperial favor and sought to drive the 
Vandals out of Africa. After an unsuccessful battle he was besieged 
in Hippo Regius for fourteen months. On August 28, 430, in the 
third month of the siege, Augustine died. In July 431 the Vandals 
raised the siege of Hippo and withdrew. Then after another defeat in 
battle by the Vandals, Boniface escaped by sea to Italy. He died soon 
afterward from a wound received in single combat with Aetius. See 
Epp. CLXXXV, CLXXXIX and CCXX, particularly the last. A full 
account of Boniface is given in Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall 
of the Roman Empire XXXIII. 

12 iudicium tuum: Psalm 118: 137. 

18 miserationum . . . consolationis: From 2 Cor. 1 : 3. 


1 Thiabensis: Thiabe was a small town in Numidia, probably be- 
tween Tagaste and Hippo Regius: see Morcellus, Africa Christiana 
I 314. Augustine mentions it in Ep. LXXXIII. 

2 Honorato: This letter was written in 428-429 to Honoratus, at 
that time bishop of the neighboring town of Thiabe. This Honoratus 
is not mentioned elsewhere. 

*Romaniae: A word of late popular origin, applied to distinguish 
the world of Roman civilization from the barbarian world, rather than 
to distinguish the Roman Empire from any other state. See Romania 
I, 1872, p. 12. This instance in Possidius and two others in Orosius, 
Historia, PL 31, 840 and 1172 are apparently the earliest recorded oc- 
currences of the word in Latin literature. 

4 eversoribus: Compare with this the use of the word in Confessi- 
ones III iii 6, where it is applied to the bands of students at Carthage 

NOTES 167 

who made a practice of interrupting and breaking up classes. For a 
vivid and nearly contemporary account of this invasion see Victor 
Vitensis, De Persecutione Vandalica, PL 58, 181. 

5 epistolae : The letter to Quodvultdeus is not extant. 

6 Quodvultdeo : He was probably the same as the Quodvultdeus who 
was bishop of Carthage at the time of its capture by the Vandals in 
438. With a considerable number of his clergy he was put on board 
some leaky ships and set adrift, but reached Naples where he re- 
mained till his death (in 444?) : Victor Vitensis, De Persecutione 
Vandalica, PL 58, 187. He must be distinguished from three others of 
the same name who appear in Augustine's works: (i) Quodvultdeus, 
probably bishop of Girba (site unknown) who was present at the 
Conference of Carthage in 411 and at the Council of Carthage in 
416 (Ep. CLXXV) ; (2) Quodvultdeus, a presbyter mentioned in 
Contra Litteras Petiliani III xxxii 37; and (3) Quodvultdeus, a 
deacon, at whose request Augustine wrote De Haeresibus: Epp. 

7 nos . . . alligavit: From 2 Cor. 5 : 14. 

8 munitum: Psalm 30 : 3. 
*aliam: Matth. 10:23. 

10 ne ilium . . . eius: From 2 Cor. 11:33. 
^ponere: I Joan. 3:16. 

12 de civitate . . . fugiendum: From Matth. 10:23. 

13 et mercenarium . . . ovibus: From Jo. 10: 12-13. 

14 quod supra memoravi: As mentioned above in section 2 of this 

15 sanctus Athanasius: This withdrawal of Athanasius marks the 
beginning of his third exile, which he spent in the desert, 356-362. 
From the time of his accession to the episcopal chair of Alexandria in 
328, his life was a continual series of conflicts with Arianism. Though 
at times opposed by practically the whole Christian world he main- 
tained the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity. 

After his return from this third exile of six years in the desert, he 
was again banished by Julian and later by Jovian. In 366, however, 
he was finally reinstated in the church at Alexandria where he re- 
mained without further interruption till his death in 373. 

16 Constantius: Constantius II, together with his two brothers Con- 
stantine II and Constans, assumed the title of Augustus September 9, 
337. From 350 till his death in 361 he was sole emperor. 

17 et peribit . . . mortuus est: From i Cor. 8: n. 
is uror: 2 Cor. 11:29. 

19 Oremus . . . iubetur: Merely another form of Augustine's fa- 

168 NOTES 

mous saying, da quod iubes et iube quod vis: Confessiones X xxix 40, 
which he so often used in the Pelagian controversy. 

20 operatur: See the De Civitate Dei I xvi-xviii for a like expression 
of the same views written some fifteen years earlier. 

21 membra corporis Christi: From Eph. 5:30. This sentence is a 
remarkable example of Augustine's balanced antithesis, wherein every 
word in the first member is matched by a word in the second member 
having the same construction with the same final syllable. 

22 ut si . . . eius: From Matth. 26 : 42. 

23 sua quaerunt . . . Christi: From Phil. 2 : 21. 
z *sunt: i Cor. 13:5. 

2S fiant: i Cor. 10:33. 

26 vos: Phil, i : 23-24. 

27 supra diximus: In section 6 of this letter. 

28 Israel: 2 Reg. 21:17. 
29 definit: Prov. 18: 18. 

&0 saluti . . est: From 2 Tim. 2: 10. 

81 mercenarius . . . ovibus: From Jo. 10: 12-13. 


1 annis ferme quadraginta: From the time of his consecration as 
presbyter in 391 until his death in 430 is thirty-nine years. 

2 Psalmos . . . de poenitentia: The seven penitential Psalms are 6, 
31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142 in the Vulgate. The "shortest" of these are 
6, 31, 129 and 142. 

8 impraetermisse : Apparently the earliest recorded instance of the 

4 ut scriptum est: As it is written of David in 3 Reg. 2:10 and 
i Par. 29 : 28. 

6 vivere . . . mea est: I am unable to discover the authorship of 
this elegiac couplet. 

6 eruditus . . . vetera: From Matth. 13:52. 

7 unus . . . comparavit: From Matth. 13:46. 
s facite: Jac. 2: 12. 

9 coelorum: Matth. 5 : 19. 


Bollandistes, Les, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, Brussels, 

1898-1901. (Supplement 1911.) 
Bollandistes, Les, Vies des Saints, Paris, 1888. 
Bouche-Leclercq, Manuel des Institutions Romames, Paris, 

Boyd, W. K., The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodosian 

Code, New York, 1905. 

Duchesne, L., Early History of the Christian Church, trans- 
lated from the fourth edition, New York, 1912-1915. 
Heumann, H. G., Handlexikon zu den Quellen des romischen 

Rechts, Jena, 1891. 

Leclercq, H., L'Afrique Chretienne, Paris, 1904. 
Mansi, J. D., Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Col- 

lectio, Paris and Leipzig, 1901-1913. 
Mommsen, T., and Meyer, P. M., Theodosiani Libri XVI 

(Codex Theodosianus), Berlin, 1905. 
Robertson, J. C, History of the Christian Church, London, 

Teuffel, W. S., Geschichte der romischen Liter atur, edition by 

Kroll and Skutsch, Leipzig, 1913. 
Tillemont, L. de, Histoire Ecclesiastique, Venice, 1732. 
Romania, edited by Paul Meyer and Gaston Paris, Paris, 1872- 


Proper names, post-classical and rare words. 


Donatistae 50, 52, 58, 62, 64, 66, 

aforis 104 

68, 70, 84 

agentes in rebus 44 

ducator 64 

Alani 112 

Alexandrinus 126 


allocutio 88 

effugo 112, 124 

Ambrosius 42, 100, 106 

Emeritus 70 

angaria 88 

energumen 116 

annulus 96 

eversores 118 

appellatio 68 

Arianus 78, 80, 132 

Athanasius 126, 132 

fabrica 100 

Felix 76 


fidelis 100, 142 

Bonifacius 114 

fiducialiter 70 

Firmus 74 


Fortunatus 50 

Calamensis 56, 64, 66 

frustror 76 

Carthago 40, 42, 50, 66, 68, 72, 78, 


80, 96 
Carthaginensis 56, 114 
Circumcelliones 60, 64 

Gothi 80, 112, 114 
grassatio 112 

Cirtensis 114 


clavis 96 
clerus 64, 142 
collocutio 88 

Hippo-regius 44, 80 
Hipponensis 46, 50, 56, 62, 72, 
76 84. 06 114 

comes (domus regiae) 78 

/\J) *-"'H ^7^ J 9 X X H" 

hisdem 66 

compartior 96 

Hispania 112 

compauper 94 
Confessiones 40, 92 
congaudeo 54, 84 

Honoratus 118 
Honorius 68, 82 

consideratio 48 


Constantius (II) 126 
contemplatio 88 

impraetermisse 140 
incomparabiliter 124 

credo 74 
Crispinus 66 

increpatio 98 
Indiculus 84 

curialis 40 
Cyprianus 108 

indisciplinatio 84, 102 
Innocentius (I) 82 


insinuo 56 

devito 138 


dicacitas 78 

lectualia 92 

direptio 60 

libellaris 66 





Macedonius 90 

Manichaeus 42, 50, 52, 74, 76, 84 
manifesto 54, 72, 142 
Marcellinus 68 
Mauritania 70, 112 
Maximinus 80 
Mediolanum 40 
Megalius 56 
monasterium 48, 62, 64, 74, 104, 142 



54, 68, 72, 76 

oblatio 94, 96 
officium 68 
opitulatio 42 

Pascentius 78, 80 

Pelagianistae 82, 84 

persisto 124 

petibilis 90 

praefidens 108 

procurator (domus regiae) 76 

programma 142 

provectus 66, 84 


quaternio 140 
Quodvultdeus 118 

rebaptizatores 62, 64 
de Recensione Librorunt no 
refragatio 98 
relatio 66 
Retractationes, see de Recensione 

Libra rum 
Roma 40 
Romania 118 


secretarium 100 
Speculum no 
spoliatio ii2 
succenturiatus 64 
sustentaculum 114 

Tagastensis 40 
Thiabensis 118 
tractatus 54, 74, 84, 142 
tracto 48, 50, 58, loo 

Ursus 76 
usufructus 96 


Valentinianus (II) 40 
Valerius 46, 48, 54, 56 
Vandali 112 
vicarius 90 
visitatio 104 

rebaptizo 54 

Zosimus 82 



Adeodatus 148 
Aemilia 147 
Aetius 166 
agentes in rebus 149 
Alexandria 151, 159, 167 
Alypius 147, 150, 154, 166 
Ambrose 147, 150, 163, 165 
Apringius 157 
Arians 159, 167 
Arius 151, 159 
Aries, see Councils 
Athanasius 167 
Augustinus, passim 
Aurelius 152, 163 


Baths of Sossius 151 

election 150, 152 

ordination 153 

judicial duties 160 

primate of 152 
Bona 149 
Boniface, Count 166 

Caecilianus 153 
Calama 152, 154, 155 
Carthage 147-149, 152-154, 158, 160, 
163, 165, 166 

Conference of 154, 156-158, 107 

see Councils 
Circumcellions 154 
Cirta 154 
cogite intrare 157 
Constans, 167 
Constantine II 167 
Constantius II 167 

Aries 154 

Carthage 149, 154. 160, 167 

Ephesus 160 

Milevum 160 

Nicaea 153, 159 

Rome 154 

Toledo 162 

Crispinus 153, 155, 156 
Cyprian 165 


Dea Coelestis, temple of 158 
Deogratias 163 
Diocletian 153 
Donatists 152-157, 161 
Donatus 153 

Emeritus 157, 158 
Ephesus, see Councils 
Eusebius (Donatist) 157 
Evodius 149, 154 

Felicitas 164 

Felix (Catholic) 153 

Felix (Manichaean) 158 

ferme 148 

Firmus 150, 158 

Fortunatus (Catholic) 154 

Fortunatus (Manichaean) 151 


Geiseric 163 
Girba 167 
Gratian 159 


Heraclius 153, 161 

Hippo Diarrhytus 149 

Hippo Regius 147, 149-152, 159, 


Honoratus 166 
Honorius 156, 157, 160 


Indiculus 160 
Innocent I 159, 160 


Januarius 156 
Jerome 151, 157, 164 
Jovian 159, 167 
Julia Caesarea 157 
Julian 167 




Liguria 147 


Macedonius 161 

Majorinus 153 

Manichaeans 147, 148, 151, 158 

Marcellinus 156, 157 

Maximinus 159 

Megalius 152 

Milan 147, 163 

Milevum 154 

see Councils 
milites Christi 154 
monastery 151, 163 
Monica 148, 165 


Navigius 148, 164 
Nicaea, see Councils 
notarii 151, 158 
Numidia 147, 156, 166 
nunnery 164 

Orosius 166 


Pascentius 159 
Patricius 148 
Paula 164 

Paulinus 147, 150, 165 
Pelagians 159, 168 
Pelagius 159 
Peregrinus 154 
Perpetua 164 
Pinianus 150 
Placidia 166 
Pontius 165 
Possidius, passim 
presbyter, right to preach 149-151 
Privatus 154 
Profuturus 154 

Quodvultdeus 167 


rebaptizing 153 
Romania 166 
Rome, see Councils 


Salinas 154 

Servilius 154 

Severus 154 

Sicca 154 

Sidpnius Apollinaris 152 

Sinita 159 

Sossius, Baths of 151 

Tacitus 165 
Tagaste 147, 154, 166 
Theogenes 149 
Theodosius 156, 159 
Thiabe 166 ' 
Toledo, see Councils 
traditores 153 


Urbanus 154 
Ursus 158 
Utica 149 
Uzelis 149, 154 

Valentinian I 159 

Valentinian II 159 

Valerius 149-153 

Vandals 149, 165, 166 

vicarius 161 

Victor Vitensis 160, 163, 167 

Zosimus 160 


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